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1)W. IIKH.MAN.N KIKI'KU 



THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 



DR. HERMANN KIEFER 

Chairman of the Freiburg Meeting 



BY 

Warren Washburn Florer, Ph.D. 

Author of "Liberty Writings of Dr. Hermann Kiefer," 

"German Liberty Authors," etc. 

Historian of the Michigan Society of the Sons of the American Revolution 




jj \ ARTi ec veRiTATi ;r C| 



BOSTON 

RICHARD G. BADGER 

THE GORHAM PRESS 



Copyright, 1918, by Richard G. Badger 



All Rights Reserved t~ / a -j 



•'SEP 23 !9i8 

Made in the United States of America 



The Gorham Press, Boston, U. S. A. 



S)CI.A5():i509 j|_U>vi^ , 



TO THE MEMORY 
OF MY mother's BRr [ER 

MAJOR GENERAL HENRY DANA WASHBURN 



DR. HERMANN KIEFER 

Born November 19, 1825, Sulzburg, Baden, Germany. 

Attended gymnasia of Freiburg, Mannheim and Carlsruhe; 
attended universities of Freiburg, Heidelberg, Prague 
and Vienna 1844-49. 

Member of Suevia, Heidelberg; founder of Alberta, Frei- 
burg. 

Delegate to the OfFenburg Meetings of September 12, 1847, 
and March 19, 1848. 

Elected Chairman of the Upper Rhine District of the vater- 
landischer Verein. 

Chairman of the Freiburg Mass Meeting, March 26, 1848. 

Delegate to the Landeskongress of Baden, OfFenburg, May 
12, 1849. 

Appointed alternate member of the State Committee and 
elected member of the State Committee. 

Passed State Examinations May 29, 1849 ("vorziiglich"). 
Volunteered as Regimental Surgeon and accepted May 
29. 

Attended meeting at Carlsruhe, June 10, 1849. 

Present at Battle of Phillipsburg (June 20) and Ubstadt 
(June 23). 

Elected to the Triumvirat to fill Brentano's position, June 29. 

Became fugitive July 10, 1849. 

Arrived Detroit in October, 1849, and established the prac- 
tice of medicine. 

Married July 21, 1850, to Franciska Kehle of Bonndorf, 

S 



4 Dr. Hermmm Kiefer 

Baden, Germany ; Children : Emilia Anna* ; Alfred Kos- 
suth* ; Richard Faust* ; Arthur E.f ; Oscar Hutten* ; 
Edwin H. ; Edgar Siegfried; Hermina Cora (Bonning) ; 
Guy Lincoln. 

Joined the Republican Party upon its organization, 1858. 

Fremont Speech, 1856; Schiller Address, 1859; Arbeiter 
Address, 1867; Humboldt Address, 1869; Peace Ora- 
tion, 1871. 

Presidential Elector of Michigan, 1872, and delegate to 1876 
convention. 

U. S. Consul to Stettin, 1883-1885. 

Regent of the University of Michigan, 1889-1901. 

Orator of the fiftieth Anniversary of the Revolution of 1848, 
March 18, 1898. 

Professor Emeritus of the Practice of Medicine of the Uni- 
versity of Michigan, June, 1902. 

Attended the one hundredth anniversary of the Corps Siievia, 
Heidelberg, July, 1910. 

Died October 11, 1911. 

* Deceased. 

t The writings which form the material for this volume were carefully 
preserved by Arthur E. Kiefer. 



FOREWORD 

TO SOURCE EDITION * 

This volume contains the most essential Liberty writings 
of the late Dr. Hermann Kiefer, the Chairman of the Frei- 
burg meeting of March 26, 1848. The Offenburg resolu- 
tions, the Struve motion, the program of the May resolution 
and the Common Laws of the German People are reprinted 
from the original resolutions and pamphlets preserved by 
Dr. Kiefer in order to give a proper perspective to the writ- 
ings of the Idealist of 1848. 

Dr. Kiefer's translations from the Greek, Latin and Ital- 
ian, likewise letters containing observations on the social and 
political conditions in America, diaries kept on travels in 
Germany and addresses and papers on the natural sciences 
and the profession of the practice of medicine, have not been 
included in this work. 

The printing of this volume has been made possible by the 
surviving members of the family of Dr. Hermann Kiefer. An 
English translation will follow, if sufficient interest should be 
manifested. 

I wish to express my appreciation of the assistance gen- 
erously given me in the preparation of the book by Mr. 
Arthur E. Kiefer, Professor Alexander Ziwet of the Univer- 
sity of Michigan, Mr. William Thiemt, Dr. M. Markus and 
Mr. Max Cohen. 

* Liberty Writings of Dr. Hermann Kiefer. G. E. Stechert Co., New 
York City. Sm. 8vo. pp. X, 513. Price,' $3.00. 



CONTENTS 

pAoa 

Biographical Sketch 3 

Foreword to SotmcE Edition ........ 5 

Dedication 6 

The Early Life and Poems of Hermann Kiefer .... 11 

The First Offenburg Meeting 32 

The Second Offenburg Meeting 33 

The Freiburg Meeting 35 

The May Revolution (1849) 37 

Francisca Kehle (Mrs. Herman Kiefer) 40 

Kinkel's Visit to Detroit 43 

Early Life in Detroit 47 

Liberty Oration 53 

Schiller Anniversary (1859) 56 

Educational and Labor Ideals 60 

Peace Oration May 1, 1871 73 

Political Activity 81 

U. S. Consul to Stettin, Germany 82 

"How Germany Is Governed" (The Election of 1884) ... 84 

"Labor in Germany" (Causes of Emigration) .... 87 

Activity in Civic Affairs 99 

Regent of the University of Michigan 100 

The Fiftieth Anniversary of 1848 106 

Schiller Anniversary (1905) 117 

Ideas on Social Conditions 117 

Anniversary of the Corps "Suevia" 119 

Last Poem 121 

"How Germany Is Governed" (A Forecast of the Growth of 

THE Socialist Party) 122 

Index 135 



THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 
DR. HERMANN KIEFER 



THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD 

THE writings of the late Dr. Hermann Kiefer almost 
cover the time allotted to mortal man. In 1839 the 
first poem entitled The Death of Socrates was written, and 
in 1905 we find a contribution to the celebration of the 100th 
anniversary of Schiller's death, which was held in Chicago in 
May, 1905. One is a hymn to the noblest of teachers, Soc- 
rates ; the other is an expression of appreciation of Ger- 
many's greatest singer of the rights of man, Schiller. One 
motive is common to both: the Black Forest youth of four- 
teen sang of freedom and the venerable American of eighty 
reiterated the same fundamental tone. 

Dr. Hermann Kiefer remained an idealist to the very last, 
notwithstanding the decades which had intervened between 
the time when the young pupil of Freiburg first began to 
record his thoughts and when the Emeritus Professor of 
Medicine became enraged when he contemplated the signs of 
a restoration in the first decade of the twentieth century. 

The writings found in an old package upon which was 
written the short but significant word Eigenes (my own) 
reveal in the year 1917 the thoughts and contemplations of 
a man who was to devote his powerful energies to the realiza- 
tion of a freer and higher conception of human life. 

The lad grew up in Emmendingen, and as a boy went out 
under nature's skies and on the tops of the hills of the Black 
Forest listened to her teachings. He observed the moods and 
storms of nature so strangely attuned to the moods and 
storms of youth. From the first this, his foster-mother, 

11 



12 The Revolution of 18^8 

made a deep impression upon the soul and mind of her im- 
patient and rebellious child of nature. He was even then 
being prepared to understand Humboldt's Cosmos. The 
eager lad listened to the legends of the Black Forest and 
heard with feeling the songs of these Highland people. He 
observed "the short and simple annals" of the children of the 
Upper Rhine Lands and beheld with compassion the needs 
and sufferings of the villagers. Their ominous mutterings, 
their inarticulate expressions of revolt, the very words 
"oppressors" and "oppressed" left no feeble imprint on the 
mind of the growing boy. He caught as a mere youth the 
powerful chords reverberating — freedom, education and 
common weal. He heard the expressed desire for a nation, 
and, as a real boy, his heart throbbed with pride at the con- 
ception of a German Nation, From childhood he had heard 
that the boys across the narrow, swiftly running river Rhine 
were boys of German descent. At home, on the streets, at 
school, he had heard of the time when Strassburg, the proud 
seat of culture, learning and trade, was a German city. The 
stories of the castles of German knighthood, whose homes had 
been amidst the Vosges Mountains toward the West, aroused 
his imagination. Even before the boy grew into manhood, 
the history of the great German Nation had fired his youthful 
soul. 

As the only son of a physician he had been taught that he 
should take up the traditional career of his ancestors, and 
the idea of being able to prepare himself to alleviate the suf- 
ferings of the people appealed to him. His father, Conrad 
Kiefer, M.D., while a student in 1817-1820, had not been 
carried away by the revolutionary movement which aroused 
the Burschenschafter of 1817. Quite naturally he brought 
up the boy, or at least tried to bring him up, in a very con- 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 13 

servative atmosphere. His mother was a daughter of the 
Grand Ducal Gardener of Carlsruhe. Thus he was trained 
to respect the estabhshed order of things. 

The lad on entering the Lyceum of Freiburg really applied 
his exceptional talents, and like Carl Schurz and other men 
of 1848, acquired the mastery of his native and of foreign 
languages. He enjoyed especially those works which treated 
of nature and human nature. He was not unlike Wilhelm 
Meister. Jerusaleiri Delivered, which he translated into Ger- 
man from the Italian, may have finally given to his wander- 
ing thoughts a definite direction. He also translated Latin 
and Greek poems. 

In the dull routine of school life, however, this lonesome 
child of nature found but scant opportunity to give expres- 
sion to his innermost feelings and longings. And still he 
recorded his feelings and thoughts and carefully preserved 
his youthful writings to the very last. This collection gives 
the only direct material preserved which tells of the per- 
sonal development of one of the great intellectual leaders of 
the Baden Revolution of 1848-1849 from the youth of four- 
teen to the Surgeon of the Army of the Republic of Baden, 
and explains why he still could pour his very life blood into 
an address delivered on the fiftieth anniversary of March 18, 
1848. It is fair to assume that the life of this youth was not 
unlike the lives of the young scholars of Freiburg, Mann- 
heim, and Carlsruhe and of the gymnasia in all parts of the 
German countries — like causes, like results. As mere boys, 
they were being prepared to sacrifice their freedom and their 
education for the common weal. 

Freedom, education and common weal have obtained a 
meaning in the year 1917 which has justified the endeavors 
of the youth of Baden, who were the German forerunners of 



14 The Revolution of 184,8 

1848. The world to-day has taken up their motto. The 
emaciated hand of a suffering humanity is ringing the sunken 
bell of liberty. Historians, with the usual self-complacency 
of men whose knowledge of life is obtained from time-worn 
parchments, or documents issued by the established classes, 
record that the revolution of 1848 was a failure. Hundreds 
fell in the conflict; thousands were compelled to flee and seek 
freedom in the unknown land of America. Many became 
absorbed in the struggles for existence in a strange country, 
and for various reasons were doomed to keen disappointment. 
The change from the land of culture to that of unbridled 
nature was too sudden and they were poorly prepared for 
the new conflicts which they were compelled to confront. 
Almost within a decade, liundreds of the Republicans of 1848 
had an opportunity to give expression to their ideals of Lib- 
erty and Union. They aroused thousands of Citizens of 
the American Republic to take up arms for the preserva- 
tion of the Republic and the extension of liberty to all classes 
of men. Many taught their children and grandchildren the 
principles which had fired their early youth. Among these 
Dr. Hermann Kiefer endeavored to keep alive the ideals of 
the Republic of 181^8 among his fellow citizens of Detroit. 
His activities aroused the attention of the people of the State 
and he was finally selected to represent the interests of the 
Republic of America in the Imperial Country. 

Inasmuch as the story of the struggles of the German peo- 
ples for liberty is of special interest to-day, it may be well 
to sketch the development of the lad who to the very end of 
his eventful life remained the child of nature and liberty. 
We shall use his own writings as the primary source, even 
although at times they may not measure up to the rules of 
the technique of literature and of rhetoric and may not 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 15 

always be historically letter perfect. But whatever may be 
these literary shortcomings they reveal the story of the de- 
velopment of a true Republican and an ardent admirer of the 
natural sciences. We shall reserve for a future treatment the 
discussion of the historical and literary sources of the student 
of the Baden High Schools. 

It is a significant fact that the boy of fourteen sang of 
Socrates the teacher and selected as his hero Friedrich II., 
whom he beheld as the model of German manhood and cour- 
age. The lad who undoubtedly had witnessed a boat sailing 
quietly upon the waters to be caught soon by the powerful 
furies of a storm was able to portray such a picture in a 
realistic manner. In early youth he experienced the happy 
hours which were to him but the awakening of spring. A 
deep religious trait is noticeable in the pathetic ode The 
Last Day of the Year, a poem which discloses the sad 
thoughts of an introspective youth who beheld God in the 
storms of life. He raised his praises to God who was re- 
vealed to him in nature. 

When but sixteen years of age he sang of the noble pro- 
fession of his family. He looked upon a physician as the 
saviour of men, who searched for the secret saps of herbs and 
plants in order to heal wounds and to prolong the life of 
young and old. 

The lad who knew the hope of his people and had observed 
the influence of death was prepared to write Lament Over 
Hermann's Death. From childhood he had heard the story 
of Heinnan, for whom he was named. This poem, which 
sings of Germany's greatest loss, the loss of freedom, reflects 
the nationalist craving of the scholar of Freiburg, who, as a 
Primaner in Carlsruhe, selected the same theme he submitted 
for the Carlsruhe prize. His deep love for home is shown 
in the poem of that name. His conception of home was not 



16 The Revolution of 18^8 

a narrow one. It was not limited to any particular country, 
but was the home where the frail mind is no longer deceived ; 
where nothing weighs heavily upon the free spirit, and where 
tears are no longer shed. Seventy years rolled away. The 
boy who sang of home visited the old scenes, but he could 
find neither home nor peace in the country which had not 
recognized his youthful dream. The sad tone of his young 
life was strengthened by an experience in a cemetery. He 
beheld the grave as the great leveller of mankind, removing 
all contentions and all splendors of life. He never forgot the 
gruesome idea of a grave. Decades passed by and the lad 
who recorded these thoughts served continuously as the head 
of the INIichigan Cremation Association from 1888-1896. 

In Gerinany''s Apostle he gave expression of thanks to 
those Christian Heroes who had implanted the teachings of 
light in the souls of the sons of Germany who were not giving 
heed to the development of the mind. He beheld Win f rid as 
the greatest of all of those apostles who directed the Ger- 
mans toward higher ideals. He summoned all to praise the 
sons of Ireland who had brought the Christian God to the 
German people. 

One evening the young gymnasiast ascended the mighty 
Belchen, the sentinel of the Black Forest, in time to observe 
the setting of the sun. His eyes involuntarily followed the 
light as it wandered through hill and dale. Under the influ- 
ence of such a sign the youth saw liis Teutschland which 
towered above all, and in the distance he viewed the Vosges 
mountains, then in French territory. From this lofty height 
he looked below upon the peaceful labors of the tiller of the 
soil. His eyes wandered to Helvetia's solid sentinels, protec- 
tors and lovers of freedom. A storm approaclicd and its 
effects appealed to the imagination of the youth, who before 
had described nature's storms. He stood tliere alone amidst 



Dr. Hermmm Kiefer 17 

the battle of the elements. The rising sun, however, dis- 
pelled the gloom of night without and night within. The 
lappy song of the shepherd, praising the creator of the 
^orld, filled the heart of the lad with awe before the Divine, 
tvhich no man can comprehend. 

The introspective lad also responded to the moods of a 
lark November day. His farewell to Freiburg contains the 
iejnote to his subjective character. 

The young lad then went to Mannheim where he assidu- 
ously devoted himself to his school work. Here in the beauti- 
ful city of Mannheim his attention was diverted from the 
lonesome experiences of Freiburg. We have little material 
tvhich gives an insight into his life at Mannheim, the home of 
several of the leaders of the Revolution. It is fair to assume, 
liowever, that the school life of the boys in Mannheim was 
not unlike that described by Carl Schurz at Cologne and 
Bonn. Young Kiefer, however, did not know the struggles 
of a student without money. And still Schurz's statement 
"for need is a wonderful teacher, and I felt as if I had sud- 
denly grown many years older" may be applied to Kiefer 
with a slightly diiferent meaning of the word need. Only 
three poems seem to be the productions of the ]\Iannlieim 
period yet the writings of the following year show that the 
stay at Mannheim had a far-reaching influence upon his 
young life and prepared him for the Carlsruhe influences. 
He came under the influence of Karl Blind, who was five years 
his senior, and through Blind he was introduced to the circle 
of Gustav Struve, who published the Mannheimer Journal, 
and who afterwards published the Deutscher Zuschauer, 
1847, and played a leading part in the Revolution of 1848. 
Henceforth Kiefer was no longer a child of the Upper Rhine 
District, and he had attained a higher conception of the 
fatherland. He began to behold the men of Germany rather 



18 The Revolution of 1848 

than Germany's rivers and mountains. 

A small note book, which Kiefor carefully preserved, is an 
interesting document of his Mannheim literary associations. 
The frontispiece of the notebook, which he drew, gives infor- 
mation about the little club of young poets who were inti- 
mately associated with him. The note book contains the 
criticisms of the winders of the Fichtenkranz. The names 
written in the wreath on the anniversary of the club, the 12th 
of August, 1843, are of interest — Goll, Blind, Eichrodt and 
Eisen. The young men of this group selected the name of 
their club evidently in honor of Fichte, the leader of the stu- 
dents at the Wartburg (1817). | 

The story of the Burgundian Heroes who had resisted ! 
Etzel's hordes at the junction of the Neckar and the Rhine, 
appealed to the young student of Germany's heroic past. I 
He compared Grimlachcr with Leonidas who fell centuries 
before at ThermopyLT, 

The study of the classics left a lasting impression upon 
the trained minds of the young nationalists of Southern 
Germany. The Republican theories of Plato and the works 
of Cicero especially were eagerly absorbed by them. Their 
teachers, the direct heirs of 1817, took advantage of tlic op- 
portunitj' of interpreting the struggles for freedom con- 
tained in the writings of the Classics. 

The new spring awakened in him new currents of life that 
were to thereby increase his longing to leave the fertile 
plains and return to the mountains of his beloved homeland. 
This desire was soon realized. He returned home for the 
summer vacation but was soon compelled to leave home for 
the last year in the gymnasium. He was sent to the former 
home of his mother, who, as stated, was the daughter of 
the Grand Ducal Gardener of Carlsruhe. The ca})ital of the 
Grand Ducliy of Baden had been tiic scene of Baden's consti- 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 19 

;utional struggles for decades. The young gymnasiast's 
•onnection with the gardener's family gave him an oppor- 
unity of becoming directly acquainted with the inside stories 
lonnected with the reigning family of Baden. But far more 
mportant were his associations with the exceptional group 
)f young men at the Carlsruhe Lyceum. Naturally his 
'amily knew but little of the thoughts of these young men 
)f eighteen, who were enjoying in their way the freedom 
)f the life of a Primaner. The reciprocal influence upon 
'ach other of these advocates of a freer national life was 
ar more intense and far more lasting than could have been 
livined. The year in Carlsruhe of '43-'44 was a direct prep- 
iration for the Revolution of 1848. The expository chapter 
)f the first Offenburg Meeting, September 12, 1847, was be- 
ng developed. Perhaps the lads were unconscious of the 
lirection of their life's currents, but it is easy now to see 
he tendency of their thoughts. 

The great problem for them was the German Nation, 
he priceless inheritance of the academic youth of middle 
jermany of 1817. The devise — Freedom, Honor and Fa- 
;herland — was their own possession. The youth of the 
Jlhine provinces naturally longed for the restoration of the 
ost provinces across the German Rhine. 

Just before going to Carlsruhe, or immediately after his 
irrival there, young Kiefer wrote a poem entitled The 
'fatherland's Treasure. The essential motive is freedom: 
N\\o is the fatherland's sword? The free man, the citizen. 

For years afterwards the men of 1848 addressed them- 
ielves as Citizen. This is especially noticeable in the cor- 
-espondence of Professor Kinkel relative to the attempt to 
inance the German Republic (p. 43). 

In September young Kiefer had finished his largest con- 
ribution entitled Konig Enzio. The poem, Konig Enzio, is 



20 The Revolution of 18^8 

written in a series of pictures. The first group calls up 
the form of Friedrich's son, Enzio, who had lost his life 
in Italy fighting for his rights. The second picture describes 
the scene of Enzio's capture. The third picture shows us 
Enzio alone with his zither sitting in the dark chamber. 
His only consolation is his ability to sing songs about the 
past life. One night Rothbart steps in like unto a picture 
of the past. Quietly he enters the cell, picks up the zither 
and begins to sing the dreaded Spirit song. He sings of 
his eventful reign of forty years and of his habit of de- 
scending every year in order to behold the grandeur of his 
house. He curses the olden enemies and implores Enzio to 
strike and become the victorious German Kaiser. In the 
next picture Enzio is seen reflecting on the fateful words 
just heard, but he cannot comprehend the meaning of the 
speech. Slowly the hour of rescue approaches the dark 
cell, where the Noble one dreams happily of battles and 
of human valor. 

The faithful old Kiiper swings the cask in which the Ho- 
henstaufen scion has hid and carries it through the guards. 
Rescue is about to beckon, but the star of the Hohcnstau- 
fen disappears on tlie horizon. The sun beholds a lock of 
Enzio's golden hair and tells of its evil power. Exclama- 
tions of woe are heard because the noble house of the Ho- 
henstaufen was buried for eternity. In the final picture 
among the forms is seen the last scion of the noble race 
fighting yearly the terrific battles whicli lead him into the 
hands of his enemies. He will continue to fight until a 
Kaiser will lead the Germans. 

Kiefer's interest in the history of Germany's past is best 
indicated by his essay History of the German West-Bound- 
ary; the prize theme of the Carlsruhe Lyceum in the year 
184<4<. The prize was awarded to his comrade Karl Blind. 



Dr. Hermarm Kiefer 21 

Perhaps the faculty of the Lyceum little realized that they 
were directly preparing these fiery young men to become 
the leaders in the attempt to establish a Republican United 
State. But the more the youths studied the past of Ger- 
many, the more they were inclined to attribute its losses to 
the policies of the leaders of the Einherrschaft (inherited 
monarchy). Their conceptions of German power, German 
courage, and German honor were strengthened by the study 
of the successful periods of Germany's past, and this in- 
creased their dissatisfaction with the present order of tilings 
and the know-nothing policies of the various Courts. The 
humiliation of the peoples of Germany reached its culmina- 
tion in the total loss of the German Western boundaries. 
The youth of Germany blushed with shame when they read 
of the sorry role played by royal leaders of the German 
states. They would all have agreed with the Primaner of 
Carlsruhe when he wrote : 

"The first period of this chapter closed in disgrace and 
ignominy, the second begins in disgrace. Nothing was won, 
all was lost ; in vain the blood of the ancestors had been 
shed; in vain the hard battles of the German Emperors had 
been fought. The splendor and glory were no more; the 
Holy Roman Empire a leafless trunk, but without the cre- 
ative power wliich begets worlds. That is the curse of dis- 
union among the people, of the selfishness of the princes." 

The essay is more than a mere record copied from the 
various histories at the disposal of the writer. He added 
his conception of country and his knowledge of it learned 
at home and school. He added more, namely : his love of 
fatherland acquired by his daily wanderings in the hills of 
the Black Forest and in the streets of the cities situated on 
the very border line, as it was at that time. His innermost 
nature revolted at the idea that the border line of Germany 



22 The Revolution of 18^8 

had been forcefully thrown back during centuries of strug- 
gles. He craved for a united Empire in order to preserve 
and regain its lost provinces and also to extend its world 
power, and become a Nation worthy of its peoples, of the 
intelligence of its citizens and of its progress in the arts 
and sciences. 

The final paragraph of the essay contains the ideals 
which fired the Old Revolutionist of 1848. It was written 
in the spirit of a prophecy which has in great part been 
realized. 

"Germany is no longer a united Empire, it is a federa- 
tion of states, a federation of princes which has not ex- 
perienced war. Only the future can tell how it will fight its 
first battle. We may fall in the battle for freedom and 
right ; peace oppresses us. Russia proceeds slowly but sure- 
ly in the East. France is educating experienced troops in 
Africa. England trains her troops on the seas. Germany 
is sleeping in the arm chair. Disunited it will suddenly 
rouse in the coming struggle, disunited it will succumb to 
the powerful enemy. Union alone can save us, but the 
united Germany, which is on the tongues of all, is in reality 
not united. All too different are the different purposes ; 
even the language does not bind us close together, the North 
German can hardly understand the South Geniian ; only one 
thing will rescue us and bring about Union, — a German, 
free Constitution ! When once we have such, then we shall 
be able to strengthen ourselves and to throw off the dis- 
grace which is weighing heavily upon us : then the time will 
come when a powerful, united Germany will again stand 
in the ranks of the peoples. And if we do not attain such, 
then the next century will become in a horrible manner the 
grave of the German peoples." 

The Primaner of 1844 demanded a German, free Consti- 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 23 

ution. This was the great preparation for his demand in 
847 for a German Parliament. The news of the 18th of 
^arch told him that this demand could not be realized, 
rhc Chairman of the Freiburg Meeting insisted upon a 
lew constitution of Germany resting upon the foundations 
•f a federative Republic (on a republican United State). 

Several poems bear the date of the month of spring. The 
Hi/nstrel, poor indeed, having witnessed the fundamental 
)assions of human nature, tunes his instrument in order to 
)egin the song of love and freedom. He sings of the hap- 
jiness which freedom begot and of the power of love which 
v^as the handmaiden of freedom. He sings of man's worth 
ind value before the chains of slavery dishonor him ; he sings 
ilso the battle and the death-cry which demands the dawn- 
ng of freedom. But the poor singer must depart, despised 
ind forsaken, for past is the time when the German Kaiser 
;akes pleasure in song. 

The Wonnemond, the month of love and friendship, 
iwakened these feelings in the breast of the young apostle 
jf German unity and gave him new hope. On the eigh- 
:eenth of the month he wrote German^/ and Its Rhine. It is 
I summons to the German people to avenge the ignominy 
.vhich has been forced upon them before it is too late. 

On the fourth day of July he expressed his three wishes, 
tiis beloved, money and the doctorate. On the same day he 
prrote the poem My Destiny, which divulges his great desire 
to give up his life for love and his fatherland. 

Another poem written for a remembrance album for Emi- 
lie Bougine, contains the motif fidelity unto death. Already 
in the year 1843 he had written a contribution for the al- 
bum of his first cousin, Emilie. Her happy and free na- 
ture had exerted a deep influence upon the earnest believer 
in preparedness, who was willing to lay down his life for 



24) The Revolution of 1848 

love and fatherland. It may be noted here that Eniilie was 
very much interested in his literary work and that they ex- 
changed selections from different writers and original poems. 

In the poem written about the occasion of his leaving 
the Carlsruhe Lyceum he gave a toast to love, profession 
and fatherland. It is in this poem that the first mention is 
made of the black-red-gold ribbon. 

A few days later he wrote of the power of a free song 
which peals out freedom to the people, arousing them from 
their lethargic sleep, and with the dynamic power of great 
spirits forces them upon the field of battle and victory. 

On the 11th of August he created his most significant 
poem, most significant in that it best discloses the thoughts 
and the contemplations which prepared him to become the 
Chairman of the Freiburg meeting of the 26th of March, 
1848. In Lament Over Germany, he shows almost prophetic 
vision. The young student had observed, as already indi- 
cated, the sad role played by the thirty-nine different states, 
not only in the defense of their historical rights, but also in 
the extension of their world power. This was due primarily 
to the fact that unity and life were lacking in the en- 
deavors of the German people. The people endowed with 
free and natural talents had elected to serve the Devil, 
servility. They were accepting money and land instead of 
the priceless possession. Freedom. Having become oblivious 
to the derision of the world, they were living on the glory 
of their illustrious ancestors. 

Everywhere a world wide activity is noticeable; but the 
German, fast asleep, heard not the loud sounds of the strug- 
gling worlds. France is sending her ships out upon the 
ocean's currents. Even on Lybia's rocky cliffs they recog- 
nize the courage of the Franks. The proud Lion is lurking 
in the background defiantly relying upon his secure lair and 



Dr. HerTnann Kiefer 25 

upon his forests of masts. Germany is dreaming, reflect- 
ing, yawning and rejoicing in its customs union, proud of 
the free Rhine. In the meantime the world is being bartered 
for, but the German takes no part in the transaction. He 
looks quietly upon the changing world and speaks with 
a tone of helpless regret: 

"Everything is changed, 
Other times, other orders." 

On the same day the scene between the Frenchman, the 
Englishman and the German was written. In the out- 
line Kiefer depicted a scene in which a Frenchman and an 
Englishman were discussing their plans for exploiting Al- 
geria and Morocco on the strength of German finances. 
A German is shown asleep during most of the conversation 
and does not comprehend their purpose, but wakes up in 
time to rush out and find the money. It is interesting to 
note that the young man of nineteen, seventy-three years 
ago, was far-sighted enough to realize that the time would 
come when foreign possessions would be of importance to 
Teuton aims. Or was the handwriting even then so plainly 
upon the wall that any student of Germany's history could 
easily read its ominous message.'' 

The German finally woke up, but only after decades 
had passed. The voice of the youth of the Rheinland was 
not heard. In another sense of the word there were "other 
times, other orders." It is difficult to tell how the history 
of Europe might have developed, had Germany become a 
Republic in arms, but internally Germany paid the terrific 
price of not heeding to freedom, education and the common 
weal until near the end of the century. Internally the uni- 
fication of Germany was brought about by the Bismarckian 



26 The Revolution of 18^8 

policy of "blood and iron," a policy which had been previ- 
ously used to crush out the nationalistic spirit of the Ger- 
man peoples. The glorious German Empire united with 
the Spirit of 1813 in 1913, a compact of the people sealed 
with the blood and sacrifices of the war of 1914, has not 
listened as yet to all the demands of the dcmanders of jus- 
tice of 1848. The Einherrschaft (inherited Monarch}'^) 
with all its complicated machinery of a State organization 
still reigns supreme. 

A Romance, True Love, and a Ballad, Resignation, writ- 
ten shortly before Christmas suggest the loss of the asso- 
ciation with his beloved friend of Carlsruhe. Under the in- 
fluence of these remembrances he read with sincere apprecia- 
tion the poems of Goethe. He adapted Goethe's Secretly 
Must I Ever Weep in a pretty little poem entitled To Ap- 
pear and to Be, which gives us an insight into his soul 
struggles, striking at the same time, however, the note of 
the dawning of hope. On the very next day he wrote under 
the influence of Goethe's words : 

Then leave me to my woe! 
If only for once 
I can be lonesome indeed, 
Then I shall not be alone — 

the poem Need for Solitude. This intense need for solitude 
motivated his life over sixty years later when he sat alone 
in the old chair in his home in Detroit. 

A few minor poems and a collection of remembrance-books' 
sayings, riddles, charades, etc., complete the collection he 
had made in his book of poems. A collection of verses and 
sayings taken from remembrance-books indicates the range 
of interests of the young poet. In addition to the poems 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 27 

written during the time spent at the different gymnasia, 
there are several preserved on separate leaflets, some of 
which are dated and others have no indication of the time 
when written. 

Kiefer studied at Freiburg 1844-45, Heidelberg 1845-46, 
Freiburg 1846-47. Then he went to Prague in the winter 
semester of 1848 and to Vienna the next semester, attracted 
by the great renown of the new Austrian medical schools. 
In the fall of 1848 he returned to Freiburg where he com- 
pleted his studies. He joined the Corps Suevia in Heidel- 
berg and evidently participated in the internal disruption 
of this conservative society. In a pamphlet issued on the 
occasion of the 100th anniversary of this Corps reference 
is made to this trouble : "As the result of internal dissen- 
sion the Corps withdrew in the year 1848 from the national 
society. After the uneasy years had passed and the differ- 
ences had been settled, the Corps reentered the national so- 
ciety in order to remain in the same in continuous close re- 
lationship." This discord had its beginning in the year 
1844-45 for the reason that the ideas of the young students 
were, as indicated in the poems of Kiefer, very radical. A 
list of members, preserved by Dr. Kiefer, contains the names 
of several men who were active in the Revolution. 

In the meantime, Kiefer had joined the Turnerverein of 
Freiburg, December 30, 1846, and had become an inactive 
member of the Liedertafel, July 10, 1846. He also founded 
the society Alberta, for which he wrote the society's song for 
the Commers held on the 6th of March, 1847. The meetings 
of the Alberta just after this Commers were evidently filled 
with a bitter controversy judging from Kiefer's words ad- 
dressed to the members of the Alberta on the occasion of 
his withdrawal from the society. Young Kiefer had founded 
this society some semesters before. He had endeavored to in- 



28 The Revolution of 18^8 

fuse his ideas into the society, as may be seen from the 
spirit of the society's song: "A New Spirit is evident Every- 
where, Breaking With Powerful Strokes a New Course." 
The spirit of the society, however, was incHned to the 
Corps, as is evident from the founder's words : "You have 
decided for a Corps. Very well, so be it, but with all your 
heart, not half or modified." Kiefer decided to withdraw 
since he could not fully approve of the principles of a 
Corps even in a modified form. 

Only student love songs with the setting of a free nature 
bear the dates of the years 1845 and 1846. Either the 
poems of these years have been lost to us or they were years 
of confusion or of social actiAities for the young student, 
typical Fuchs and Burschen years. One poem, At the Uni- 
versity, reveals the state of mind of the young student, 
but it is without date. He realized his position very keenly 
as the poem indicates. Another poem, entitled The Sentry, 
gives us an insight into his wandering life. The lad who 
divined so clearly nature's moods, and those of man, di- 
vined too his own moods. This poem tells the story which 
the old Emeritus Professor hinted at duinng his conversa- 
tion with the writer (p. 116). He seemed discouraged, since 
the hope of his youth was cinished. Yet rich in experience, 
bent with sorrow, melancholy and grief, he was "in spirit 
still the same." He continued to remain in spirit still the 
same. 

The young student wrote a note dated the 10th of April, 
which exactly explains his mental struggles : 

"It is a sad time, the period of this vacation. As the 
clouds chase each other in the skies and the wild storm rages, 
so it is in my soul. In nature the approaching spinng 
is struggling witli the obstinate winter which lias outlived it- 
self. She will conquer — but in my soul an ajjproaching 



I Dr. Hermann Kiefer 29 

lutumn is struggling with a spring which has not fully 
>lossomed as yet. 

"Will he conquer? It is cold round about me, the world 
ippears to me deserted and empty ; people do not warm me ; 
ny heart is consuming itself in its own fire, which dares not 
>reak out into flames. 

"Within is heavenly fire, but without coldness of the 
;arth. So I take refuge occasionally in the halls of sacred 
3oetry and endeavor to find therein and at the urn of a lost 
ove the warmth which will inspire me." 

On the very same day he wrote about the approach of 
:,he storm, which was gathering with pent-up fury in the 
areasts of the German peoples. He seemed to understand 
the inner feelings of the oppressed German peoples who were 
almost ready for the OfFenburg meeting in September. 

On the 20th he wrote of the coming revolution but in a 
iifFerent melody. He made use of the clear song of the 
[ark in order to express his hope that the spring of new life 
af freedom was about to burst forth, proclaiming the future 
30urse of humanity. 

The new life at Freiburg and especially the student life 
of the Alberta, the Liedertafel and the Turner society 
aroused his interest in the questions which had filled his mind 
in the gymnasia of Freiburg and Carlsruhe. The experi- 
ences in the foreign world, however, were not without good 
results. They prepared him directly to understand better 
the principles cherished by the academic youth of the past 
three decades and steeled him to meet the great emergency 
which was about to confront him. They had aroused all the 
latent forces of his nature and had filled his soul with "sor- 
row, melancholy and grief." This experience had ripened 
him and prepared him to understand the sorrow, melan- 
choly and grief of the oppressed sons of Baden. It had 



30 The Revolution of 18^8 

prepared him to become the chairman of the Freiburg dis- 
trict. 

Just when he composed The German Chase is hard to 
determine, but the ideas contained in the poem correspond 
to the ideas of tlic young student at Freiburg in the spring 
of 1847. In this poem he compared the people to the noble 
stag hunted down and held by the statesmen grown grey 
in sin. 

The poem Princes and Peoples treats of the oppression of 
the people under the great French tyrant, Napoleon, and 
of the "Battle of Leipzig," October 16-18, 1813. This 
poem no doubt was written with a touch of bitter regret, be- 
cause the people after all their sufferings and sacrifices were 
compelled to endure the loss of freedom and were deprived 
of the fruits of their own victory by the princes who reserved 
unto themselves freedom and the crown. The war of libera- 
tion had been fought in vain by the German peoples. 

In the little poem Too Late he enters a note which borders 
upon the spirit of the demands of the people, demands which 
found expression in the Resolutions of the first Offenburg 
meeting (p. 33). 

In a song entitled Black-Red-Gold!, he interpreted the 
meaning of the flag he loved so well. Unfortunately the 
last part, the interpretation of Gold is lost, but it certainly 
had the keynote from night to light. 

No further poems of Hermann Kiefer, if he wrote any in 
the year 18-i7, have been preserved. The developments lead- 
ing toward tiie Offenburg meeting in September evidently 
absorbed his entire outside attention. Action was substi- 
tuted for ])octry. To all appearances he devoted his spare 
time cither to a study of the German common laws, and of 
the constitutional questions involved, or to propaganda 
work. The only poem written during the period from Sep- 



( Dr. Hermann Kiefer 31 

tember to the 26th of March, 1848, bears the date of the 
20th of March and was composed just after the news from 
Berlin and Vienna had been received. The poem was con- 
ceived in a quiet but determined mood when the man, as well 
as the entire Nation, was almost stunned by the unexpected 
turn of events. Up to this time he had cherished some con- 
fidence in the rulers of Austria and especially in the King 
of Prussia. The Chairman of the Freiburg (Upper Rhine) 
district gave expression to his sadness of soul. He sang 
of the power of spring which brouglit the warm rain forc- 
ing the buds to life. The rain it was of blood. The heaven 
from which it poured was the heart of man, which, pierced 
by the brazen cannon, lays broken in the throes of death. 
But out of the open wound poured the warm blood swelling 
the seed and breaking the very last tie, thereby hastening the 
day of fulfillment. 

After the Frankfort Vor-Parlament the student of Medi- 
cine went to Vienna to continue his work. On the 17th of 
July he summed up his thoughts in a poem entitled The 
Formation of the Imperial Ministry. This poem reflects all 
the elemental powers of the leader of the Baden Revolution, 
who beheld the great outbreak in the light of the develop- 
ment of the last three months. The ominous silence which 
followed the Frankfort meeting weighed heavily upon the ar- 
dent young disciple of a Republican constitution, yet he 
caught the inner spirit of rebellion which was to break out 
again in 1849. 

These poems reveal the calibre of the candidate of Medi- 
cine who willingly responded to the summons to the "people" 
to meet at OfFenburg on the 12th of September, 1847. The 
young men of Baden, who had been observing the tendencies 
of the last three years in the light of their study of the more 
recent past and of their observations of the conditions in 



32 The Revolution of 1848 

village and city, were not disposed to accept any further 
procrastination on the part of the party in power. 

The experience of these eventful years became to be the 
spiritual property of these advocates of a democracy which 
would be safe for the world. And fifty years later Kiefer 
was able to describe the events, as if they were but of yes- 
terday. His speech, delivered on the occasion of the fiftieth 
anniversary of the 18th of March in 1898, before the meet- 
ing held in the hall of the Socialer Turnverein of Detroit, 
is a remarkable human document. In tracing the develop- 
ment Dr. Kiefer said of the period just before the Offenburg 
meeting: 

"After the Bundestag by means of its reactionary meas- 
ures, the changed economical conditions caused by the rise 
of capitalism and of the proletariat, and, in addition, tlie 
unworthy condition of the farmer class had broken and 
plowed the ground, so likewise the intellectual forces of 
the people were at work by means of political pamphlets, 
philosophical and religious investigation, by poetry, in 
rhyme and in song, in sowing in the ground the seed which 
needed only the fructifying storm in order to spring up 
with vigor and strength. Discontent was seething in all 
classes of the population, by the day laborer with pick 
and shovel, by the farmer behind the plow, by the working- 
man at the machine, by the small man of industry at the 
bench and anvil, and even in the circles of the bourgeoisie 
and of the professional men; likewise hatred of and disdain 
toward the miserable Bundestag and the faithless princes. 
A sultriness lay heavily upon the land. The people had 
found themselves for decades in a double struggle for politi- 
cal independence and national development, for freedom and 
unity. Among the governing and governed existed a com- 
mon doubt and lack of faith in the stability of the existing 



' Dr. Hermami Kiefer 33 

t 

state of affairs. 

"In the southwest corner, the weather corner of Germany, 
Bspecially in Baden, where a constitutional life had devel- 
oped itself most fully, appeared the first harbingers of a 
storm. Already on the 12th of September, 1847, a pow- 
erful assembly of the people had met, which for the first time 
formulated the demands of the people, and in less than six 
weeks made its triumphal procession throughout entire Ger- 
many." 

The memory of this powerful meeting still kindled the 
enthusiasm of the splendid soldier of the common good even 
though removed from the scene of the conflict by thousands 
of miles and by five decades of time. 

The main demands of the first Offenburg meeting, re- 
stated in the second great meeting of the people held at 
Offenburg, are: 

Freedom of the press ; freedom of conscience and of edu- 
cation ; the allegiance of the army to the constitution ; the 
protection of personal liberty against the police ; national 
representation in the German Bund; a popular military sys- 
tem; universal accessibility to the schools; improvement of 
the relations between capital and labor; the abolishment of 
all privileges, including classes ; the separation of the State 
and Church, and a progressive income and property tax. 
In short the demands form the essential planks of a modern 
economic and industrial state. 

It is interesting to note the points underscored by Dr. 
Kiefer: personal liberty, equitable taxation and improve- 
ment of the relations between capital and labor. 

It is true that practically all of the reforms advocated 
have been adopted by the New German State within the last 
two decades. This is due largely to the accomplishments 
of individuals, to the exposes of modern German writers, to 



34 The Revolution of 184,8 

the community spirit of the Centrists (party of Catholics), 
and to the organized endeavors of the Social-Democrats. 

The general impression is that the 1848 Revolution is 
either an aftermath of the French revolution or the direct 
result of the Proclamation of the Republic on the 24th of 
February, 1848. In Baden, at least, the people had been 
prepared to receive with enthusiasm the news of the great 
proclamation. We have seen in Kiefer the gradual develop- 
ment of one of the Revolutionists, and he was not unlike 
his companions of Mannheim, Carlsruhe and Freiburg in 
spirit and in mind. 

In reality the movement had become so strong that Rado- 
witz, the Prussian ambassador at Carlsruhe, wrote on No- 
vember 20th, 1847, in a memorial to his King: "The most 
powerful force of the present time, that of Nationality, 
has become the most dangerous weapon in the hands of the 
enemy of rightful order." As Dr. Kiefer stated, the formu- 
lated demands of the people aroused great interest in all 
parts of Germany within the next few months. Accordingly 
the news contained in the extra edition of the Kolnisclie Zei- 
tung which appeared at 7 o'clock in the evening of Febru- 
ary 26th shook Germany to its very foundations. Every- 
where was repeated "Revolution in Paris ! The Republic 
proclaimed !" Within a fortnight preparations had been 
completed for the second meeting of Offenburg. 

The fact that Kiefer played an important part in this 
meeting also is established by his election to the chainnan- 
ship of the Upper Rhine Circuit. The large enthusiastic 
meeting adopted resolutions of far more significant import 
than those of September 12th, for tlie seed had already been 
sown on fertile soil. The most important feature of the 
March meeting was the decision to demand a German Par- 
liament and the adoption of plans leading to a definite or- 



^^ Dr. Hermann Kiefer 35 

ganization. The "Citizens" returned to their respective 
homes filled with the spirit of this great event. The news 
of the Berlin "slaughter" and of the Vienna happenings were 
brought to the demanders of rights of Baden. These events 
had taken place too late to be considered at the Offenburg 
meeting. Almost stunned by the blow, Kiefer wrote the 
significant poem, Spring '^8, forecasting the revolution. 

The most important act of Kiefer, the courageous chair- 
man of the Freiburg circuit, was to summon his committee 
and prepare resolutions for a public meeting called in Frei- 
burg for the 26th of March. The Freiburg meeting has not 
received due consideration at the hands of the historians. 
In fact it has been completely overlooked in the general 
histories. Kiefer called this meeting to protest against 
the dire deeds of the 18th and 19th which had transpired in 
Berlin and Vienna, and to guarantee that such ruthless 
scenes should not be re-enacted. The meeting at OfFenburg 
had called for a German Parliament; the word republic, 
however, had not been inserted in the resolutions as adopted, 
therefore the credit or discredit of introducing the word 
repubhc belongs to the Committee of the Upper Rhine Cir- 
cuit, of which Kiefer was the chairman. They demanded 
"that the German Parliament should establish a new consti- 
tution based on the foundations of a federated Republic 
(a Republican United State)." The resolutions as adopted 
stand as the great witness of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence forced by the occurrences of the unhappy 18th of 
March. The young chairman of the Freiburg circuit had 
been prepared by a decade of development, already revealed 
to us in his writings, to control the excited session at Frei- 
burg sufficiently well in order to have the resolutions adopted 
by an overwhelming majority in spite of a spirited opposi- 
tion. 



36 Tlie Revolution of 1848 

The Baden Republicans were enraged on receiving the 
reports of the sad events at Vienna and Berlin. With re- 
newed detennination they appealed in powerful words to the 
German people to assert their rights : 

The people demand assurances that such massacres 
as the one at Vienna and the still more frightful one 
at Berlin shall not be repeated. The people can only 
possess such assurances when the long-looked for Ger- 
man Parliament improves the conditions from the 
ground up. 

The German people will not be contented with a piece 
of new cloth on the old garment of German hereditary 
monarchy. It will not permit the new wine of the Ger- 
man people to remain in the old bottles, thereby break- 
ing them, running out and perishing; rather it demands 
an improvement from head to foot, a thorough cleans- 
ing of the German Augean stables. 

The German people, therefore, demand above all 
things that the Geinnan Parliament create a new Con- 
stitution of Germany to be drawn up by it on the foun- 
dations of the federative Republic (the Republican 
United State). . . . 

The people demand from the long-looked for Ger- 
man Parliament that it arrange, guard over and di- 
rect among the many questions, which are assuming 
new form, above all : the fusion of the militia and of the 
standing army for the purpose of forming a true na- 
tional army, including all men capable of bearing arms ; 
the freedom of the press; trial by jury, and absolute 
religious tolerance. 

To the many demands of the German people of all 
parts of the country they naturally add — the people 



Dr. HermafMb Kiefer 37 

demand : complete separation of church and state ; per- 
sonal liberty (habeas corpus) ; home rule in the elec- 
tion of the clergy and mayors ; immediate alleviation 
of the poverty of the working classes and of the middle 
classes and the improvement of commerce, of the indus- 
trial class and of the farming industry. 

The hitherto existing enormous civil lists, appanages, 
the excessive salaries and pensions, the idle possessions 
of many incorporations, as well as the public domains, 
offer adequate means for tliis purpose. 

One of the most interesting clauses of this remarkable 
resolution was the demand for the establishment of a 
permanent condition of liberty. 

How important the parf played by Kiefer was in the 
furthering of the Republican State idea is shown conclu- 
sively by a comparison of the Freiburg resolutions with the 
program adopted in INIay, 1849, by the advocates of a fed- 
erated Republic. 

It, however, is not our pui'pose to rehearse the subse- 
quent developments which took place in the deliberations of 
the committees nor to record the story of the propaganda 
made by the leaders of the Republican movement among the 
people at Baden. Hermann Kiefer, gifted with exceptional 
oratorical powers and endowed with an almost imperial per- 
sonality, spoke along the lines of the resolutions in various 
places in the vicinity of Freiburg, Emmendingen and Sulz- 
burg. 

The undaunted youth of Baden did not give up the fight 
for the establishment of a Republic in Germany, but con- 
tinued their endeavors. The climax of the movement was 
reached in May, 1849. The State Congress was opened in 
OfFenburg on the 12th of May and the State People's As- 



38 Tlie Revolution of I848 

semhly took place on the following day. Kiefer was se- 
lected to be an alternate of the standing State Committee. 
A definite program was adopted. Kiefer was selected as a 
member of the State Committee when the number of the 
committee was increased. 

The proclamation contained in the May Program gives 
to us an insight into the insistent and persevering character 
of the men who still hoped for a Republican form of govern- 
ment. 

The State meeting of Offenburg proclaims : — 

Germany is in a continuous condition of complete revolu- 
tion, called forth anew by the attacks of the larger German 
princes on the constitution of the Empire, finally to be 
adopted by the German National Assembly and on freedom 
generally. German princes have conspired and united to 
suppress freedom; the high treason committed against the 
people and the fatherland is as clear as day ; it is clear that 
they are even calling upon Russia's armies for the oppres- 
sion of freedom — The Germans, therefore, are in a state of 
self-defense; they must meet the attack of the German reb- 
els by armed resistance. 

It is incumbent on the German races to preserve freedom 
by mutual endeavor in order to carry out the fundamental 
principles of the sovereignty of the people; they, therefore, 
must support each other wherever attacked. 

Kiefer remained true to his convictions and was one of 
the thirty-six men who responded to the call of the meeting 
at Carlsruhe, which took place on the 19th of June. At this 
meeting a provisionary Govermnent of three was established. 
These members were given full power to act. The members 
of the Triumvirate elected were: Brentano, Goegg and Wer- 
ner. On the 29th of Juno Kiefer was elected to take Bren- 
tano's place, but he declined the honor of the election. 



( Dr. HermoTm Kiefer ^D 

At the same time he continued the study of medicine and 
in May, 1849, he went to Carlsruhe for the State examina- 
tion which he passed "vorziiglich." He received his hcense 
to practice on May 29, 1849. He immediately volunteered 
as a surgeon in one of the regiments of the army of the Re- 
public. Until the very last he carefully preserved the no- 
tification of the acceptance of his offer. He was present 
at the Battle of Phillipsburg (June 20) and Ubstadt (June 
23). Dr. Kiefer's own words about the end of the revolution 
are very impressive: "Already in July Freiligi'ath's poem. 
The Dead to the Living, a poem glowing with anger and 
shame, resounded like the trumpet call of the final judgment 
in the ears of the German people, calling them to a new 
battle — in vain ! He sang the requiem of the revolution." 

One evening a high official of the government, a friend of 
the family, called upon Dr. Conrad Kiefer, the father of the 
Surgeon of the Freis charier, and informed liim that he was 
compelled to arrest his son on the following morning and 
advised him to induce his son to flee. Dr. Hermann Kiefer, 
equipped with a pass, issued by the provisory government, 
went to Strassburg, then in French territory, and fled the 
fatherland he had loved with all the strength of his boy- 
hood and young manhood life. He, like hundreds of others 
of the flower of Germanj-'s educated youth of that period, 
who had fought the good fight against the ruthless estab- 
lished classes, decided to seek his fortune in the Republic of 
the United States. He arrived in Detroit in October and 
opened his office for the practice of medicine on the 19th of 
that month. 

The young surgeon had lost the fight for the free home 
of the Black Forest, but for him the word home had a deeper 
meaning, the place where nothing more weighs heavily upon 
the free spirit. America meant much in the way of promise 



40 The Revolution of 184,8 

to the young man, who, although defeated by the sword, re- 
mained unconquered in spirit. 

A beautiful picture continued to inspire him in the New 
World. He never forgot the intense scene of departure, 
which he recalled in liis peace oration of 1871. The fair 
image of a young noble-minded woman helped to cheer the 
long hours of the first bitter winter in America. Months 
before the young men of his regiment had marched away 
to fight for freedom, proudly carrying the beautiful ban- 
ner of liberty created by the loving hands of their betrothed, 
bearing the inscription : "This banner you must not forsake ; 
it leads you to victory and to honor; and even if the part- 
ing is such sweet sorrow, yet we could only hate the coward." 

The young sons of liberty were enriched by the experi- 
ences of the May days of 1849, which exerted a purifying 
influence upon their future lives. When they came to be 
fugitives, they were fugitives only in a political sense, for 
they took with them the personal assurance of the young 
girls, who had developed into courageous womanhood amidst 
the struggles of shot and shell, that they also would become 
voluntary fugitives in order that their lives should be conse- 
crated to the lives of the men who had offered to make the 
supreme sacrifice for freedom and for love. 

One of the Black Forest maidens, richly endowed with 
natural gifts, in the fulness of young life, plighted her word 
to Hermann Kiefer. In the following spring Francisca Kehle 
sailed for the Republic of America. She left her parents, 
sisters, brothers and friends. She bade farewell to a lovely 
and comfortable liomc to give her all to the man she loved. 
In many respects she was a fugitive indeed, for she knew 
nothing of the language and customs of the strange new 
land. 

The life of the young bride was destined to become a life 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 41 

of devoted sacrifice. And when she was married to Hermann 
Kiefer on July 21, 1850, just one year after he was forced 
to flee, a home was estabhshed, which proved to be a haven of 
rest and security for the young man, who for half a cen- 
tury labored for the upbuilding of the community and the 
Commonwealth of Michigan. 

The difficult task of Francisca Kehle Kiefer in the con- 
struction and re-construction period of America can never 
be thoroughly appreciated. The burden of all political, so- 
cial and commercial wars falls heavily upon the shoulders 
of the wife and mother. Her only reward here on earth 
seems to be the consciousness of hard duties well performed. 
The struggles of a young woman in a strange country, with 
strange social customs, is doubly hard, due in part to isola- 
tion, but mostly to a cruel attitude, assumed, unconsciously 
indeed, by her more fortunate neighbors. 

Francisca Kehle Kiefer fulfilled her creative task of wife 
and mother with devoted love, with unlimited patience and 
with sincere consideration. Fortunately she lived long 
enough to reap the harvest sown by her untiring hands. Her 
children have recognized the work of their "Mother" in in- 
spiring them to whatever success they may have attained in 
various fields of productive labor. Her first born fell as a 
victim to a ravaging disease which so rudely cut down so 
many young lives in the new country. Later on two young 
boys were also tenderly laid to rest. She, however, lived 
to rejoice in the associations with five sons and one daughter. 

Decade after decade the mother labored for her children. 
The wife sacrificed for her husband. She took great pleas- 
ure in furthering his ambition to play a creative part in the 
upbuilding of society. Had she been idle, indifferent and ex- 
travagant, it would have utterly killed the ambition of her 
husband. In this respect he was absolutely free to work. 



4^ The Revolution of 1848 

One of her sons wrote "Father, with her help and support, 
became even a greater, grander man than he was." Without 
the untiring devotion of the young woman, who came to 
America in the spring of 1850, the great State University 
of Michigan would never have conferred upon Regent Kiefer 
the title of "Professor Emeritus of the Practice of Medi- 
cine." Her work in the family and in the community, laid 
to a greater extent than the City of Detroit knows, the 
real foundation of the Hermann Kiefer Hospital. 

The chapter which would reveal the most human char- 
acteristics of Hermann Kiefer is that of the home life last- 
ing over one-half of a century. After a successful mar- 
ried life of nearly sixty years, Francisca Kiefer passed 
away on August 6, 1909. Her ashes were kept during the 
remainder of Hermann Kiefer's life in a bronze urn which 
stood on his desk and upon which he had engraved: "A 
noble woman, a good wife, and a loving mother !" Goethe's 
words may be applied to the student of Germany's poet of 
humanity : 

"For by the bride whom a man selects, we may easily gather 
What kind of a spirit his is, and whether he knows his own 
value." 



THE FIRST AMERICAN PERIOD 1849-1871 

TO Detroit came many a comrade in thought and they 
soon formed a group of two score and more who had 
fled from the fatherland in that time of restoration. These 
educated young men were often compelled to take up the 
trades ; in other words they were workers. They, however, 
looked upon all productive men as workers. The real mean- 
ing of the word, as they interpreted it, was unfortunately 
lost, owing largely to the reconstruction of social life which 
foDowed the great civil war. The societies they founded 
still keep alive many of the principles they advocated. The 
most prosperous of these societies are the Arbeiter societies, 
the Socialer Turner Verein and the Harmonie. One of the 
most attractive features of these societies were the lectures 
and the little libraries. 

The greatest event in the young lives of the thousands 
of the immigrants of the late forties was the trip made 
by Professor Gottfried Kinkel to the United States in 1851- 
1852, undertaken with the purpose of raising a loan for the 
financing of a Republic in Germany. The reception given 
to Professor Kinkel in Detroit was a very notable one. 

These exiled German Republicans listened attentively to 
the words of Professor Kinkel, for to them they were glad 
tidings full of hope and satisfaction. They were carried 
away by his prophecy: 

"And now, Germans in America, consider the situation. 
The Revolution in Europe will come, for in all political, so- 
cial and industrial relations we have retrograded back to 

43 



44 Tlie Revolution of 1848 

the year 1847. And conditions, which broke out in the Revo- 
lution of 1848, cannot be endured much longer. The entire 
world sees clearer the inuncdiate goal of this revolution 
to be the creation of independent republics throughout cen- 
tral Europe, and there is but slight danger that the move- 
ment will stop before the goal is attained. 

"Ever3'thing depends on the fact that now all nations 
must prepare themselves for the blow. It cannot be denied 
that our two neighbors (Italy and Hungary) are better 
prepared than Germany. It is indeed certain, if these people 
be victorious, that they will endeavor to free Germany; but 
it is not fitting for the greatest nation of Europe to allow 
freedom to be presented to her. Every freedom, which is a 
gift, would later place us in a new state of dependency, for 
it would hinder us in establishing our national rights on our 
boundaries. 

"One says of the German that he is a cosmopolitan ; cos- 
mopolitism, however, is disgusting. One worships foreign 
nations and places his confidence in them, because he is 
either too cowardly to fight himself or too jealous to help 
his own countryman in fighting. Gennany, if supported 
by its revolutionary party in America in a vigorous manner 
full of sacrifice, can organize itself for a revolutionary be- 
ginning just as well as Hungary or Italy; at least, it can 
prepare itself to answer the first blow in the south and east 
with a similar powerful blow in the north and west, thus 
bringing the enemy between two fires. On this rests the se- 
curity of victory, even for the other nations. If Germany 
does not revolutionize; if the princes succeed again in bring- 
ing against these nations the irresistible German military 
forces, then they also must succumb again. 

"The great task is — independent initiatiir of the revolu- 
tion in our fatherland resting upon a firm, carefully planned 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 45 

organization of all movable forces — and for the realization 
of this task the power of money is necessary. May history 
not be compelled to record in its annals that Germany was 
for a great act of self-emancipation too poor in revolution- 
ary characters, or that its people were too selfish and too 
suspicious to grant to these characters the power to act." 
Neither Professor Kinkel, however, who had been away 
from Germany for some time, nor the men of 18-48 discerned 
that the fears mentioned had already been realized. The 
reaction had already gained the control and the Princes had 
dug themselves in behind their strong ramparts. Therefore 
the words of the messenger of a Republic made a deep im- 
pression upon Dr. Hermann Kiefer and his associates. 

The entire city extended a hearty welcome to the advocate 
of a Republic in Germany. Detroit had long been a real 
center of Republican principles. In 184*8 the Democracy 
of the country had selected General Lewis Cass to be candi- 
date for President of the United States. Senator Cass, in a 
powerful speech, supported a resolution instructing the com- 
mittee on foreign affairs to consider the suspending of diplo- 
matic relations with Austria on the occurrence of the revolt 
of Hungary. 

This speech expresses at once the spirit not only of De- 
troit, but of the entire middle West which prepared for the 
coming of the sturdy youth of the Fatherland, who in turn 
helped to build up and eventually save the New Republic 
in the time of the great Crisis. It explains why it was pos- 
sible for these young men, in spite of their lack of knowl- 
edge of the English language, to establisli a home within a 
comparatively short time in the New Republic: 

"Here is an empire of freemen, separated by the broad 
Atlantic from the contests of force and oppression, which 
seem to succeed each other like the waves of the ocean in 



46 The Revolution of 18^8 

the mighty changes going on in Europe — twenty millions of 
people enjoying a measure of prosperity which God, in His 
providence, has granted to no other nation of the earth. 
. . . Think you not, sir, that their voice, sent from these 
distant shores, would cheer the unfortunate onward in their 
work — would encourage them while bearing their evils to 
bear them bravely as men who hope — and when driven to 
resist by a pressure no longer to be borne, to exert them- 
selves as men who peril all upon the effort? 

"But where no demonstration of interest on the part of the 
government is called for by circumstances, a sound public 
opinion is ready to proclaim its sentiments, and no reserve 
is imposed upon their expression. It is common to this coun- 
try, and to every country where liberal institutions prevail; 
and it is as powerful, and as powerfully exerted, in France 
and in England as in the United States. Its effects may 
not be immediate or immediately visible; but they are sure 
to come, and to come in power. . . . Our Declaration of 
Independence has laid the foundation of mightier changes 
in the world than any event since the spirit of the Cru- 
sades was precipitated from Europe upon Asia with zealous 
but mistaken views of religious duty." 

The minds of liberty loving men had been prepared by 
the interest aroused in the establishment of new Republics, 
or at least in republican constitutions, for Professor Kinkel 
to make liis tour of triumph, from the point of view of en- 
thusiasm, through the Northern States. The Gemian Rev- 
olutionists of 1848 received him as a messenger bringing 
glad tidings from across the waters. Professor Kinkel, how- 
ever, although an inspiring orator and propagandist, was 
an unsuccessful and unbusinesslike organizer from the finan- 
cial point of view. The attempt was bound to fail, but the 
interest aroused in the thirty or more centers where Kinkel 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer Vt 

spoke did not subside on his return to England. His words 
made a deep impression upon the young men in a strange 
country. And hundreds of them, interpreting the revived 
principles in the light of the new Heimat, told the story even 
unto the second generation. Dr. Kiefer, first vice-president 
of the Detroit Local, carefully preserved the correspondence 
etc., bearing on the Liberty Loan.^ 

The former chairman of the Freiburg meeting which had 
adopted the resolutions insisting on Republican institutions, 
came to be the natural and intellectual leader of this group. 
Unfortunately, in some respects, his endeavors during the 
first years were confined to the narrow circle of those who 
could understand the German language. The product of 
the gymnasia and the Universities of Germany, the zealous 
advocate of the teachings of nature, found but a limited 
group of hearers. It was, however, an extraordinary group 
of men. They loved nature, music and art. 

One of the most interesting institutions they founded was 
the German Theater Society which flourished, with some in- 
terruptions, until after the war. They themselves produced, 
with the assistance of traveling actors, even the works of 
their beloved Schiller. They lived again the songs of the 
fatherland which they were applying to America. They 
founded (1850) the Workmen's Aid Society with the object 
of having an organization which would be of social as well as 
of mutual protection to themselves and families. They met 
in some quiet inn and exchanged their views. A typical ex- 
ample of the intellectual interest of these early settlers 
may be found in a series of lectures given by Dr. Kiefer on 
the natural sciences before the Workmen's Society and in 
Bloynck's Hall. These lectures were given every fortnight, 
as for example, January 15, January 28, February 12, 

* These valuable writings will be published separately. 



48 The Revolution of ISJ^S 

1854". Evidently other lectures were given b}^ different 
members. 

The ideals of the different societies founded by this group 
of men are summed up in various addresses held by Dr. 
Kiefer on the occasions of the dedications of their new 
halls {Arheiter Verein, 1867; Socialer Turner Verein, 1858; 
Harmonie, 1869). 

In the meantime Dr. Kiefer had built up quite a large 
practice of medicine. His reputation soon attracted not 
only the citizens of Geraian descent, but those of various 
nationalities. This association carried him out into the 
other groups of social life in Detroit, at least to a cer- 
tain extent. 

The Republicans of 1848 who had fled from a settled 
State with all the burdens of a selfish and oppressive mon- 
archy were doomed, as stated, to dire disappointment. They 
could not feel at home in the booming cities in the frontier 
lines of the westward march of civilization. The growth 
of Detroit in the forties and early fifties had attracted young 
men and women of all types to the city of the straits. The 
young man educated in the classical schools of Baden and 
in German Universities was a stranger in a strange land. 
Yet he who had observed the social conditions in Europe, 
continued to observe the conditions in Detroit. He saw De- 
troit from a certain historical perspective. He saw the con- 
ditions and beheld with the eyes of a scientist. He saw the 
effects and understood to a great degree tlie causes. 

The men who had offered all for their principles were not 
inclined to be satisfied with a "little money." In fact, Dr. 
Kiefer had always enjoyed the opportunities which money 
could furnish, and he did not seem to grasp the fact that 
most of the people of Detroit were enjoying in their way 
the pleasures which money could purchase. 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 49 

Each group lived its own life and heeded not the life 
of the others, at least, not until conditions had become un- 
bearable ; and typical of the life of a new country, they made 
up their minds to remove that which they did not like or 
which interfered with their ideals of life. They had come 
West or had emigrated from Europe on purpose to embrace 
the opportunity of acquiring land or capital and to live ac- 
cording to their own ideals. They had acquired land and 
capital and proceeded to carry out their ideals of personal 
liberty or of social welfare and made no attempt to under- 
stand the other man. The men who had come over to Amer- 
ica to make laws, proceeded to make laws as the easiest way 
to elmiinate conditions which seemed to them to be the 
sources of all evils. The others resented this autocratic 
and sumptuary method with the inherited hatred toward 
the ruling classes. The result was the typical life of a new 
city with all its strict morality and unrestrained immorality. 

The men of 184-8 had not dreamed of this outgrowth of 
society within the form of government they had admired. 
The men who had hoped to develop the conditions by educa- 
tion and thereby bring about a real prosperity for all and 
at the same time preserve personal liberty, could not com- 
prehend the men who also held a similar idea as to the power 
of the community, the city, to regulate the conduct of the 
citizens according to their notions of right and wrong. The 
trained men of 1848 desired to bring about a better state 
of affairs by education and regulation. The more strict 
men of New England, or of the Community Christian type, 
were not prone to delay and insisted on a law to take an 
immediate effect. 

Dr. Kiefer, an advocate of temperance, expressed his 
opinions on this subject in no uncertain terms in a com- 
munication to a Monroe County paper relative to the 



60 The Revolution of 18^8 

"Michigan Liquor Law," June 6, 1853: 

"When I read the grand bills which our honorable legis- 
lators hammer out for the money of the people in order 
to consign them, as still-born children, to oblivion, I must 
consider where I am; whether under the Russian knout or 
under royal, imperial Austrian police supervision. 

"The bad social conditions are due partly to the crude- 
ness of the masses and partly to the bad liquors. It is a 
sad phenomenon which characterizes the life of the people 
here. No idea of a higher purpose of life, no conception of 
political conditions, no feeling for art or science — only 
money — money is the mainspring of everything, money is 
purpose and aim, cause and effect. The loafer — and rowdy- 
ism of this Union is to be found in the lack of education of 
the masses and in the indifference of the authorities towards 
education. We sec no other means to check the drunken- 
ness, crudeness and crime than to further the education of 
the people by all possible means at our disposal ; to enforce 
compulsory education, but at the same time to make the 
schools real schools of life. 

"Only the cultivated and educated man is in a position 
to be free, he alone understands how to appreciate republican 
conditions ; the uneducated, however, the vulgar, craves for 
a strait jacket, in order that he may live a more decent 
life, because he is unable to conduct himself as a man with- 
out the cudgel of the police. Therefore educate and en- 
noble the masses, and your liquor laws will be unnecessary, 
just as unnecessary as unreasonable." 

Unfortunately Dr. Kicfer's letters to his father relative to 
these conditions, have not been presci'ved. These letters 
would have been of unusual interest since the visit of Dr. 
Conrad Kiefcr to Detroit had prepared him to understand 
the conditions to a certain extent. One letter evidently ap- 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 51 

pealed to Dr. Conrad Kiefer for he sent it to the Manrir- 
heimer Journal and it was printed in the magazine section 
on the 10th of October, 1855. This letter gives us an in- 
sight into the thoughts and contemplations of the liberty 
loving republican who had seen in America the great op- 
portunity of creating an ideal State. 

Dr. Kiefer wrote of the extremes which are found in the 
"great and free country"; excessive drinking and exagger- 
ated prohibition ; almost unbounded liberty and the most 
vicious slavery ; the so-called will of the people and the 
abject submission to political machines; freedom of religion 
and the strictest blue Sunday oppression, etc. He caught 
the meaning of "Time is money" ; "for 'money' is the pivot 
about which all thinking, reflecting and considering here 
turns, and 'time' the means to acquire it." 

The advocate of a federated United State observed that 
the Constitution was not of vital interest to the people of 
the United States. In fact, he was surprised to see how 
little the people knew about it. The student of politics 
looked with disgust upon the cheap methods of petty poli- 
ticians. He felt the need of a new party which would con- 
tain planks suitable to a free man. The apostle of free 
labor viewed with alarm the tendencies of the Democratic 
party to further the growth of slavery. The Free Soil party 
was the only party which presented principles along the 
lines of the Republican movement in Europe in its endeavor 
to further free men, free labor and free soil. Yet this same 
party was inclined to limit personal liberty having adopted 
principles which grew out of the Puritanism of the East and 
the North. 

At the same time Dr. Kiefer was keen enough to observe 
that the native Americans were driven to advocate such 
principles, chiefly owing to the conduct of the foreign set- 



52 The Revolution of 1848 

tiers. Years before the country had been settled by advo- 
cates of religious freedom and they did not welcome the 
endeavors of the Irish and Geraian Catholics to encroach, 
as they interpreted the growth of the Catholic Church, upon 
the principles of religious liberty. On the other side the 
freethinkers of Europe were attempting to eradicate all 
religious tenets, which aroused a natural opposition. The 
political conduct of the German settlers who had come over 
in the early thirties did not contribute much to their general 
influence. The tendency of these people, w^ho were enjoying 
prosperity, perhaps for the first time, to overstep the line of 
temperance did much to increase the activities of the pro- 
liibitionists. The fact that "saloons and groceries" sprang 
up in the German section beyond all reason, had its dire 
effects upon this element of the population. The resultant 
brawls aroused the opposition of the nativists to these for- 
eigners, who were in many cases making license out of 
liberty. 

And although all these phenomena were easily to be ex- 
plained by the conditions in the rapidly growing new coun- 
try, yet Dr. Kiefcr, a true friend of freedom and humanity, 
and an educated man, found it almost impossible to live in 
such a state of affairs. He expressed the wish to turn his 
back on the entire mess, but at the same time he did not con- 
template with enthusiasm the idea of establishing the prac- 
tice of medicine in Germany. He also dreaded the ravages 
of the climate and the evil effects of diseases peculiar to 
tlie new country, since medicine liad not discovered the 
methods of preventing the spread of contagious diseases. 
His own first born fell prey to the ravages of disease which 
swept away so many of the children of the New America. 

Great political events were transpiring in Amei'ica. The 
entire country was aroused by the discussions which had 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 53 

been taking place for nearly a decade. The fundamental 
principles of 1776 were being weighed in the balance. The 
very Union was at stake. Naturally the Republican Na- 
tionalist of Baden advocated the maintenance of the United 
States which had served as a model for them at the meeting 
of the V or-P arlament at Frankfort. By 1854 Dr. Kiefer 
had gained so much influence in Detroit that he was ap- 
pointed Chairman of the German Republican executive com- 
mittee of Michigan. In order to understand the importance 
of this committee it is necessary to look at the map of 
Michigan in 1830 and again in 1854. Nineteen years be- 
fore Dr. Hermann Kiefer fled to escape punishment for high 
treason, the story of the natural wealth of Michigan had 
appeared in the Merkur published in Stuttgart in 1830. 
Thousands of the children of the eastern side of the Black 
Forest had come to Washtenaw County. Gradually the 
German settlers worked toward the west in the southern tier 
of counties, extending almost to Kalamazoo. The Bavarian 
group had settled near Saginaw and gradually the entire 
"Thumb" district was being redeemed by these sturdy pio- 
neers. From Ann Arbor and Detroit they had pushed for- 
ward to the North and West, and by 1854 the importance 
of the German vote compelled recognition. What was true 
of Michigan was true of the Northern States. In fact the 
word Republican was adopted partly to attract to the ban- 
ners of the new party the Republicans of Germany. 

Dr. Kiefer, now thirty years of age, became a vigorous 
leader of the new organization. The principles he advo- 
cated are laid down in an appeal to the Germans of Michigan 
on the occasion of the Fremont election. Unfortunately the 
introduction has been lost. The same spirit which moved 
the Republican of Baden aroused the old love for liberty in 
the Republican of Michigan. He poured his very life blood 



54i TJie Revolution of 18^8 

into this oration, an oration which betrays the careful study 
of Cicero's masterpieces. 

"You all stand, fellow-citizens, on the side of the Repub- 
lican party. No German can be a defender of slavery, no 
one will be. But you still cling, to a certain extent, to the 
old name. The beautiful name, democracy, resounds so en- 
chanting in your ears and its magic tone rocks you into a 
carefree slumber. — Fellow-citizens ! If you vote for Buchan- 
an, for the Democratic party, you wiU vote for the legal- 
ization of slavery, for its results and consequences — they 
are the natural results of an unnatural system, a system 
which is the disgrace of the century. Do you wish to vote 
for its perpetuation.? Did you escape the yoke in Europe 
in order to support the oppressors here, and thereby to 
extend their power. f* You hesitate. You say: 'If the Re- 
publicans win, the Union will be divided and the Union must 
be preserved.' Yes, she must be preserved. But who is con- 
tinually sounding the cry of division.'' Are they the men 
of liberty or of slavery .'' Does not the South openly threaten 
with disunion, hoping thereby to terrify the North and make 
the North her obedient tool? 

"It is the same game wliich the reaction in Europe played ; 
they deceived the good people with unity ; they terrified its 
desire for freedom with the feared words — 'discord and dis- 
union.' They unified and unified until freedom was lost, and 
union came to be but an empty name. Citizens, if yoii 
stand for freedom, then you stand by the Union, for this is 
built on the principles of freedom, and it is impossible to 
harm it without destroying the entire structure. Do not let 
yourselves be deceived ; stand fast by the Constitution, by the 
Declaration of Independence, and 3'ours will be the reward 
of having saved freedom and the Union." 

In no manuscript left by Dr. Kiefer can be found his 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 55 

terrific irony more direct than in the review of the speech 
delivered by Hon. F. E. Ginind, of Philadelphia. The much- 
heralded Democratic speaker was sent to the wild West to 
hold the Germans of Michigan in line. The meeting was at- 
tended by the "impertinent" men of 1848 and their asso- 
ciates, the Turner and the Black-Republicans . Grund's 
pastoral attitude towards the educated group of Freemen 
was enjoyed by them to tlie fullest extent. 

Dr. Kiefer's speech and his review of Grund's attempt give 
us an insight into the creative and active mind of the Re- 
publican, who fully understood that the rise of the price of 
a slave even to the sum of $5,000 would not, in the long run, 
bring about better wages to the white man. Fortunately 
the Germans of the Northern States had a high opinion of 
their own value or rather perhaps of the possibilities of their 
value. At least they dreamed of the higher values of pro- 
ductive labor. It was fortunate for the United States that 
these "impertinent '48ters" were there to help point out the 
dangers of slavery to the advancement of the white men. 
Practically every progressive plank in all the parties has 
the Spirit of 1848, as interpreted by the educated fugitives 
from the Rhine Lands and other parts of the German coun- 
tries. 

The great protest of Dr. Kiefer against slavery in 1856 
was in accord with the trend of events which made the men 
of Germantown draw up the first formal protest against 
slavery drafted in the colonies. They had in mind the same 
identical attitude toward labor; — ^labor must be free. 

Kiefer's appeal to the German population of Michigan 
had a far-reaching effect. The Spirit of 1848 revived by 
Professor Kinkel not only in Detroit and Ann Arbor, but in 
nearly all the Northern States helped to pave the way for the 
great war of Liberty and Union. The leaders of the Revo- 



66 Tlie Revolution of 184-8 

lution of the Rhine Lands were prepared to accept the prin- 
ciples of the Constitution of the United States. The influ- 
ence of South Western Germany upon America has not been 
fully appreciated. The great singer of liberty was a child 
of this district — Friedrich Schiller. 

The pupils of the Baden gymnasia were inspired by Schil- 
ler's songs of the fatherland. They thought and spoke the 
language of the poet of liberty. The students of Medicine 
particularly had a peculiar preparation to understand the 
thoughts of the son of an army surgeon, who in turn pre- 
pared himself to practice as a doctor. The influence of 
Schiller upon the young army surgeon of Emmendingen, who 
like Schiller was compelled to flee his fatherland, became 
especially strong in the New Country. As stated before, 
these lovers of art and literature found their most sincere 
recreation in the production of the plays of Schiller. 

The one hundreth anniversary of Scliiller's birth ap- 
proached. Preparations were made for the celebration of 
this event in all parts of the country. The name Scliiller 
seemed to grasp each German heart with a forceful magic 
power. The fugitive army surgeon of the army of the Baden 
Republic relived Schiller's men and Schiller's ideals. He pre- 
pared the address for the celebration of the great event in 
Detroit, with full consciousness of the importance of the oc- 
casion not only for Germany, but for the world. It is clearly 
evident that he used the books on Schiller which were at his 
disposal. Modern research has thrown a new light upon the 
Swabian poet, but at the same time modern I'esearch has 
also proven that these men of 1848 understood much about 
their countryman, which had escaped the scholars who delved 
in the archives and in libraries, but who did not possess the 
life experience to fully grasp the fugitive of Swabia, and 
who therefore could not fully comprehend his songs of the 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 57 

fatherland. There is also evident a tendency to restate 
Schiller's conception of country in the terms of the modern 
German Conception of State. Dr. Hermann Kiefer ap- 
proached the works of Schiller with his special preparation. 
The fugitive surgeon interpreted the fugitive surgeon to his 
hearers. The advocate of humanity endeavored to inculcate 
in his hearers the teachings of humanity of the apostle of 
humanity. The lover of art recognized the artist Schiller 
who held that the loftiest mission of the poet was to educate 
men to freedom by means of art. 

The address of Hermann Kiefer is a remarkable human 
document in many respects and, with minor corrections, is a 
real contribution to the Schiller literature of the 19th cen- 
tury. But above all it reveals the high ideals which mo- 
tivated the speaker in his endeavors to keep alive the ideals 
which the Germans had brought over with them into the new 
country, which although rich in natural resources, offered 
so little for the intellectual development of its people. These 
educated men of 1848 felt the loss of cultural influences 
keenly. The young fathers began to realize that the young 
children would not be able to enjoy the advantages of a care- 
fully regulated school system. Dr. Kiefer took advantage of 
the opportunity to emphasize the importance of the study 
of Schiller. 

The main points of Kiefer's address which are of im- 
portance for the understanding of his life and his activities 
in educational lines within the next decade and even later are 
found in the following paragraphs : 

"Schiller! — Not only the German pays him tribute, but 
every educated man in the world, and the man whose heart 
beat most powerfully for entire humanity, is now being cele- 
brated as the man by the entire humanity. Yes, the en- 
tire educated world celebrates to-day a birthday festival, 



58 The Revolution of 18^8 

and each one thinks that he has an especial right to partici- 
pate therein." 

Tlie fugitive from Baden recalled the tragedy of the fugi- 
tive from Wiirttemberg, who, as a young man of twenty- 
three years of age, had fled from his parents and father- 
land, home and friends, exclaiming with tear choked voice, 
on beholding his parental home for the last time: — "O my 
mother!" This scene appeared before the eyes of the man 
who had lived a similar scene a decade before, and he inter- 
preted it for his hearers, who likewise could understand it: 
"Only a few attain the goal ; many perish who do not remain 
sitting on the sandbank of the commonplace — but Schiller 
attained the goal. O blessed sleep which leads the expatri- 
ated into a world of ideals, permitting him to forget the 
misery of the present and removing him through the realm 
of dreams from the wretchedness of a distressful reality. 
Wrath and pain fill our breasts when we think of the noblest 
poet of Germany as a fugitive, prostrated by exhaustion on 
the dust of the highway!" 

The lover of art discerned the thought, which as a red 
thread permeates Schiller's life and works in all forms and 
under all conditions, namely, to ennoble by art : "the artists 
impart to men the revelation of tlie divine, they are the 
priests who, by means of the beautiful, educate society to the 
recognition of the trutli and to moral dignity." 

Kiefer thought that Schiller had a special message for the 
Germans in America: "And finally what shall he be for us 
Germans in America? Tom away from the motherland, 
planted in foreign earth, surrounded by a strange element, 
ofttimes hostile and ovei'powering — let him be our protective 
spirit, which will guide and preserve us lest we perish in this 
Babylon of peoples. No, the language of Schiller is too 
beautiful that it should not be transmitted from generation 



[ Dr. Hermann Kiefer 59 

to generation ; and children and grandchildren in every part 
of the earth should be proud of their ancestry. Yes, his 
remembrance should make us proud and plant real manly 
pride in our breasts, a pride pointing with quietude and dig- 
nity to the great accomplishments of our people. Let his 
life's task be also our task— the cult of the beautiful, the edu- 
cation and the ennobling of humanity through art. Let us 
not grow weary in grafting by word and deed the noble 
branch of German humanity upon the wild trunk of American 
liberty. Let us be united in the cultivation of the good and 
the beautiful and never desecrate the divine art by a misera- 
ble servilitude ! And it will so come ! The celebration of the 
one hundredth anniversary of his birth is the guarantee, the 
celebration of the most ideal of all men in a time so material. 
Let us strengthen and ennoble ourselves in his example for 
the fight for freedom and humanity !" 

This notable expression of appreciation of Schiller's mes- 
sage to a freer humanity permits us to examine the thoughts 
of the man who since boyhood had found his greatest conso- 
lation in perusing the works of the advocates of liberty and 
humanity. His complicated experiences, from the school life 
in Freiburg to this anniversary, had given him an exceptional 
preparation to understand Schiller's essential message to 
humanity. His address will not always measure up to the 
technique of modern investigation, but it contains the real 
human elements which enable one man to understand another 
man. And this is the primary requisite for the understand- 
ing of literature, and especially dramatic literature, which 
has its roots in the soil of home and of fatherland. The new 
country unfortunately could not offer a field for the lover 
of art and literature to absoi'b his attention, as it did to 
the advocate of a federal union or to the pli^'sician. He 
therefore felt lonesome in the "prairie of American life." He 



60 The Revolution of 1848 

therefore naturally cultivated in his leisure hours the old 
German inheritance. He decided to do his part in providing 
that his sons should also profit from a thorough humanistic 
training. 

With this idea in mind he helped to found the German 
American Seminary in the year 1861. This school was in- 
corporated by the State for higher institiction in all depart- 
ments of learning. The language used to be both English 
and German as far as practical and desirable. The under- 
lying principles cherished by the founders of this school are 
almost identical with those of Detroit's educators to-day. 
For example, Dr. Kiefer's interest in maintaining the Ger- 
man language was not a national interest in any respect, but 
a culture interest in the highest meaning of the word. He 
who had profited from the thorough training in the Baden 
schools, held that the boy in America should also have a 
thorough humanistic training and that this training should 
begin as early as possible. Notwithstanding the many dif- 
ficulties which beset the school in the very beginning, in- 
creased by the outbreak of the Civil War, the preparation 
was a thorough one, especially when compared with other 
schools of equal rank. The boys trained in this school have 
lived to become leaders in the various professions, not only 
in Detroit, but also in the country. It soon gained a repu- 
tation for good scholarship. It, however, had many op- 
ponents for various reasons. Finally in 1871 it was com- 
pelled to close, then largely on account of an unfortunate 
sale of certain properties, which was deemed necessary to 
maintain the running expenses of the school. 

In 1866 Dr. Kiefer was elected a member of the School 
Board of the City of Detroit. He endeavored to bring about 
the introduction of the teaching of German into the public 
schools, holding that the pupils should study languages at 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 61 

an early age in order to prepare them to understand the 
culture, the science and the progress of the German peoples. 
He insisted that the citizens of German descent should main- 
tain the German language as a valuable cultural and prac- 
tical asset and he desired that the young people of other na- 
tions should understand the German language in order that 
they might properly understand the ideals of the citizens 
of German descent. 

He even attempted to bring about a reorganization of 
the system of the schools which had been established along 
the lines of the first plans proposed for the schools of the 
State of Michigan. This system had been built upon Victor 
Cousin's report on the state of public instruction in Prussia. 
The Baden Republican was naturally opposed to the Prus- 
sian interpretation of the function of the schools. 

He had in mind the ideals which had inspired the edu- 
cated classes of Europe in 1830 and 1848. Dr. Kiefer was 
opposed to the system which had been adopted in America, 
according to which all pupils were sent through the same 
classes with the false idea of democracy of education. He 
held that the pupils should be trained for the vocation which 
they should pursue later on. At the same time he held that 
all productive work should be recognized as important for 
the development of the State and Nation and that there 
should be a recognition of merit. He knew that different 
youths were endowed with different talents and he insisted 
that they should be given an opportunity to develop these 
talents in order to fit them for their work within a State 
which should recognize the rights and talents of the youths 
who would come to be the Citizens of to-morrow. 

In 1867 an event occurred which aroused great enthusiasm 
among the liberal citizens of German descent of Detroit. The 



62 The Revolution of 18^8 

Arbeiter society had flourished owing to the influence of such 
men as Richter, August Marxhausen, Dr. Hennann Kiefer 
and many other men of strong cahbrc. These men looked 
upon the laboring classes as the real productive classes. The 
real meaning of the word, as they interpreted it, was un- 
fortunately lost by the building up of classes even in the 
new country, owing partly to the aristocratic influences 
wafted across the ocean from Europe, and partly to the 
natural forming of classes along the lines of material suc- 
cess. This explanation is necessary in order to understand 
the activities of the 1848-ers in the Arbeiter and Turner 
societies. These men prospered and their own children in 
many cases returned to type, as it were, and became aris- 
tocratic in the German officialdom sense of the word. They 
have naturally failed to grasp the scope of the social ac- 
tivities of their own parents and thereby have helped to post- 
pone the day when artisans and artists by virtue of their 
productiveness and skill can socially understand each other. 
One principle of 1848 had been attained to a great degree 
by many of these men, prosperity, but not always education, 
and with prosperity and education, not always liberty. To 
this comphcation was added the coming of many from Ger- 
many of the real laboring classes who had not enjoyed the 
blessings fought for by the men of 1848. This naturally 
had a great influence on the membership of the Arbeiter 
society. 

The societ}^ which had been fonned in 1850, large!}' for 
the purpose of the protection of widows and for mutual 
benefits, had progressed with the growth of Detroit. A site 
was selected in the very midst of the growing German sec- 
tion. These men had acquired comfortable homes and en- 
joyed the real pleasure of family gatherings. The war had 
exerted a great influence upon the citizens of German descent 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer ' 63 

who were proud of the part played by their fellow country- 
men. This self-consciousness demanded a public expression 
and it was decided to build a hall which would be fitted to 
their various needs and which would serve as a social center 
for the families of the members of the society. 

To such men as Marxhausen and Kiefer the building of 
the hall had a far larger significance. They thought that it 
meant the reahzation of their ideals and the ultimate es- 
tabhshment of a meeting place for the advancement of the 
social welfare of the society. Dr. Kiefer especially, looked 
forward to the day when the laborers of all classes would 
unite in common endeavors. This hope had been strength- 
ened by the examples of the great war. He thought such a 
wonderful experience, which had made possible republican 
development in times of war, would naturally be further de- 
veloped in times of peace when everything seemed so auspi- 
cious for a progressive Republic in America along the lines 
of intellectual as well as material welfare. With this great 
hope inspiring him, he addressed the large audience which 
was thoroughly impressed by the importance of the occa- 
sion. They listened very closely to the words of the man 
whom they respected so much. 

Dr. Kiefer was always conscious of his power and also 
of the powers of the German people. He therefore appealed 
to this consciousness with the words : "And what then is the 
tie which unites us.'^ It is the consciousness that we all be- 
long to a society : to a society of free labor, that it is labor 
alone which honors and ennobles the individual and makes 
nations powerful and great, that in labor is the lever of 
progress and the fundamental cause for every accomplish- 
ment of modern times, that it is the impelling force in the 
gigantic development of the nineteenth century." He then 
emphasized his interpretation of the word worker : "a worker 



64 The Revolution of 184-8 

is every man who docs his duty in the service of humanity, 
who works and creates, who produces and makes himself use- 
ful . . . you are all Avorkers, workers in the service of a 
great society of free labor; you are all working for the per- 
fection and humanization of mankind." 

He recognized the endeavor of the Arbeiter Society to fur- 
ther the education of the youth in words which sound like 
those of Wilhelm Rein of Jena: "so it is especially this so- 
ciety, which, in proper recognition that the guarantee of 
the future lies in the education of the youth, took active in- 
terest in the school and gave the first impetus for the estab- 
lishment of free German-English schools." He also em- 
phasized the great ya^lue of the introduction of the library, 
the theatre and the singing sections. 

The man who appreciated the values which he had in- 
herited from the German race desired to preserve them for 
America. The man who had mastered foreign languages, 
both classic and modern, thought that it would be a gain to 
America, if America's children could understand both Ger- 
man and English. 

Yet in many respects his demands are being fulfilled by the 
very State he helped to build up. The great war has tem- 
porarily postponed one prophecy : reconciliation after fifteen 
centuries of separation. Nevertheless his great hope is still 
heard abroad in the lands: "And the very last and highest 
purpose is, the cultivation of humanism, of a free humanity 
in its purest fonn." 

Dr. Kicfer, however, did not take one fact into considera- 
tion, namely, that the Germans who had come over to Amer- 
ica and especially those who had joined the Arbeiter society 
did not have the necessary foundation to hasten the day of 
free labor, yet at the same time it must be recognized that 
these citizens of Geraian descent were carried away by the 



Dr. Hermami Kiefer 65 

dream of the advocate of an artistically developed laboring 
class. In their way, by educating their children and their 
children's children, they have prepared for the advancement 
of the country. 

Dr. Kiefer regarded the successful outcome of the Civil 
War as the beginning of a new era, but as a student of Ger- 
many's history, he feared the reaction and the restoration- 
His fears proved to be not without foundation. The first 
I'esult of the war in respect to education was the growth 
of the typical American Spirit of that time that this coun- 
try should free itself completely from all European in- 
fluences. And the very sons of the educated men of the 
British Isles and of the Rhinelands were the most nativistic. 
The people disliked the English because of England's friend- 
ship to the Government of the Confederacy and at the same 
time looked upon the endeavors to introduce German as an 
attempt to Germanize the Republic. They could not under- 
stand the ideals of the idealists of 1848 in their endeavors 
to further education. For generations the people had en- 
joyed only a meager schooling and therefore could not ap- 
preciate the vision of these men trained in the gymnasia of 
the continent. 

The war which had united the States with the power of 
the sword left the country more divided in many respects 
than ever before. Reaction set in and obtained control. The 
educators with their narrow preparation opposed any at- 
tempt to reorganize the schools or to introduce any new 
subject, not to mention the study of a modern language. The 
attempt of Dr. Hermann Kiefer naturally failed. Fifty 
years have gone by and now the educators of the State, 
aroused by the demands of a new industry, are confronted 
with the most serious problems. The great European wai*, 
however, has not as yet awakened the people to realize Dr. 



66 The Revolution of 18^8 

Kiefer's primary object, namely, to prepare the youth of 
America to occupy the positions of leadership in all voca- 
tions. Tlic educators, then as now, kept their hands on the 
pulse of the people and their ears on the ground. The re- 
sult was that Europe, especially Germany, continued to send 
over their trained young men to America. This certainly 
was not to the advantage of the young American who found 
himself unprepared. The endeavors to Americanize Detroit 
in 1916-1917 are not unlike the endeavors of Dr. Hennann 
Kiefer fifty years ago. In fact, in some respects, the men 
leading the new Americanization along the lines of educa- 
tion may well consider the ideals of one of Michigan's fore- 
runners of a reconstructed school system, a system adapted 
to the needs of a modern Republican State. Otherwise his- 
tory may repeat itself and within a decade the trained youth 
of Germany will again be called to occupy the positions 
which should rightfully belong to the youth of America. 

In many respects Dr. Kiefer's endeavors to reform the 
public schools of his city for the benefit of his own sons and 
the sons of all citizens, will be recognized as his greatest con- 
tribution to the City of Detroit and therefore to the State 
of Michigan. He keenly felt the failure of his honest at- 
tempt to elevate the standard of education. He continued, 
however, to encourage the German-American Seminary, al- 
though his contention that the State should control the 
schools made many enemies to his endeavors. 

The revolutionist of the educated State of Baden began to 
realize that his boys could not have a thorough preparation- 
He also thought of the boys of his comrades not only in 
Detroit, but throughout the entire country. Perhaps his 
father, Dr. Conrad Kiefer, would have been contented with 
the education which was to prepare boys to be gentlemen 
of the old school, but the young surgeon of 1849 had heard 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 67 

of the new education. The gymnasiasts of Baden had felt 
the oppressive hand of the old line education. The students 
of Medicine of Freiburg, Heidelberg, Prague and Vienna had 
listened attentively to the teachings about nature and human 
nature. They had become imbued with the doctrines of 
power and of the forces of nature. They had listened to the 
story of creation as interpreted in the spirit of a Cosmos. 
They naturally felt the need of systematic training which 
could be adapted to the needs of the growing Republic. They 
interpreted the Ordinance of 1787 in the light of their own 
experience. 

In various parts of the country these men cherished the 
above thoughts. The near approach of the 100th annivers- 
ary of Humboldt's birth seemed to them to be an opportune 
moment of realizing a long dreamt-of plan. In 1859, the 
year of the 100th anniversary of Schiller's birth, the idea of 
establishing a German University had been suggested, but 
nothing was accomplished in carrying the idea into effect. 
Dr. Kiefer, who years before had inaugurated the lecture 
course on the Natural Sciences already referred to, con- 
ceived the idea of arranging a Humboldt celebration, for the 
purpose of arousing interest in the establishment of suitable 
lecture courses, not unlike the system of Extension Lectures 
finally adopted by the leading Universities, and the founda- 
tion of a museum which should be connected with the New 
University. The word Gemian, however, was to have the 
meaning of German scientific investigation and not the pan- 
German or pro-German national meaning. They judged 
from the standpoint of the accomplishments of the German 
people in every sphere in the world's work. 

The first meeting was held on the 19th of June, 1869. 
Tentative plans were made for a fitting public demonstra- 
tion and celebration to take place on the 13th and 14th of 



68 The Revolution of 184,8 

September, Dr, Kiefer had prepared an appeal to the 
Germans of the United States. This summons was 
ordered printed with the request to be reprinted in all the 
German papers of the country. The plan was to establish 
a great Cosmos Society along the lines of the Society pro- 
posed at the Offenburgcr meeting to make the Parliament 
possible. In other words the organization proposed resem- 
bles the machinery of organization of the Socialists. The 
object is clearly stated in the second paragraph of the 
summons. 

As stated in a second summons sent out on the 19th of 
August, this plan did not arouse the expected interest. The 
trained men of the gymnasia and the universities, who had 
enjoj^ed the opportunities of being children of educated fami- 
lies and wlio found themselves thrown into the very midst of 
the uneducated, or at the best meagerly educated, and in 
addition in a new land, could not understand why the people 
could not see their own best interests. In 1848 they had ob- 
served similar conditions, but as good revolutionists held the 
governing class responsible for the conditions. They had 
advocated a republican government of liberty and union. 
They had helped to win the fight for liberty and union in the 
new Republic. They thought that the time was ripe to have 
an institution of learning equal to the German universities, 
wliich had been educating the young men of the world. They 
thought America should have such an institution. They 
knew that the average college or University was a Univer- 
sity in name only. They knew that the average lawyer could 
not read law and that the average physician could not read 
medicine. Therefore they had no confidence in the existing 
schools. Tlie great war had been fought without having 
mucli influence on the school system. The people had not 
heeded the needless waste of human lives in the war and also 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 69 

in the war with nature. 

They made the attempt to organize the hundreds of thou- 
sands of Germans in the strange belief that the German 
people were prepared for such an undertaking. They could 
not realize the great abyss which existed between the human- 
ists of Germany and the masses of Germany. They had been 
compelled to flee before they could understand the conditions 
in the old country. And in the very same year, 1869, when 
the followers of the theories of a Karl Marx were organ- 
izing Germany in the hopes of educating the people to see 
their own interests, the student of Humboldt's Cosmos 
dreamed of the organization of the Germans in this coun- 
try, who, as they thought, would appreciate the great op- 
portunity of improving their hard lot. He did not even un- 
derstand the changes which had taken place among the edu- 
cated fugitives of 1849 within the last two decades. He did 
not understand his own prophecies about the future of Ger- 
many written in 1844. He did not realize how much Ger- 
many had lost in the world struggles of two decades in the 
endeavors of the houses of Austria and Prussia to crush 
each other. Either in the hours of lonesomeness, or with a 
few companions, he had created an ideal Germany which he 
desired to implant in America, just as he, years before, had 
created an ideal Republic for which he offered his life. 

Through his own personal endeavors, with the assistance 
of others equally interested, he aroused enthusiasm among 
the Germans of the City of Detroit and the celebration in 
September was a noteworthy one. It found "an interested 
ear and warm hearts" but, as is usual in the endeavors 
to educate the people, no "full purses." 

Dr. Kiefer's recognition of Humboldt stands as an in- 
teresting contribution to the Humboldt literature of the 
year 1869. 



70 TJie Revolution of 18^8 

Naturally the suggestion of Dr. Kiefer to found a German 
University which should be equal to the Universities of Ger- 
many could not be realized in America. Even if he had left 
out the word German, his ideal of a University could not 
have been attained. The celebration, however, in Detroit 
and throughout the country was not without results. The 
seed sown fell on fertile ground. Naturally the tree grew 
very slowly, but the growth was sure. It is true that thou- 
sands of young Americans were compelled to go abroad 
to study and therefore became acquainted with Germany's 
great contributions in all fields of sciences and with the 
German people. And even to-day they recognize the pro- 
gressive forces of the German people and will welcome the 
contributions of the Baden Republicans to the preservation 
of the ideals and common laws of a Republican form of 
goveniment in all parts of the Cosmos. Many thousands of 
the trained sons of Germany have come over to find a new 
field of work in this Republic. And they may well emulate 
the example of the Chairman of the Freiburg meeting. 

Later on during his term as Regent of the University of 
Michigan, Dr. Kiefer was able to further the ideals advanced 
in 1869, however, not in a German University, but in the 
State University of Michigan. Dr. Kiefer's interest in the 
advancement of the study of Natural Sciences is fully rec- 
ognized, even though he was especially interested in the De- 
partment of Medicine and Surgery. He also had an oppor- 
tunity of obsei*A'ing the great progress made in the study of 
natural sciences in the entire country. His interest was 
always alive in this respect. He was especially interested in 
the growth of Cornell University. On learning that the 
writer came from Cornell he said : "So, you have studied in 
Ithaca.? The foundation of Cornell University is indeed 
very good. I understand that they are liberally inclined 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 71 

there. Your first president is really a man of consequence." 
(He had reference naturally to President Andrew Dickson 
White, who was formerly at the University of Michigan and 
for some time the American Ambassador at Berlin. Dr. 
Kiefer had read with great interest President White's book : 
The Warfare of Science and Theology, etc.) 

The celebration of the 100th anniversary of Humboldt's 
birth had a quickening influence upon the educated classes 
in America. The celebration in the German circles was 
more far-reaching than generally recognized. The hundreds 
who listened to the speeches in Detroit and other cities and 
the thousands who read of the great German's contribution 
to knowledge and thought, did not forget the message sent 
abroad in the land. For although they could not enjoy the 
advantages of a higher education, they cherished the idea for 
decades, and this movement was not without influence even 
upon the second generation. To Dr. Kiefer belongs the 
credit of starting the movement among the German speaking 
citizens of the country. 



THE SECOND AMERICAN PERIOD 1871-1911 

IN the meantime Bismarck had forged the German Empire. 
One of the great ideals of the Revolutionists had been at- 
tained although by blood and iron — a federated German Na- 
tion. Many of the fundamental common laws of the Ger- 
man people, as advocated by the men of 1848, were incor- 
porated in the new constitution, at least in letter if not in 
spirit. The most essential principles of their conception of 
a free economic and industrial Republicanism, however, were 
not accepted by Bismarck. The news of the establishment 
of the German Empire aroused the self-consciousness of the 
Germans in America and also the respect of the peoples of 
the world. Sedan more than superseded Jena. The world 
gradually became interested in the institutions of learning 
which had prepared Germany for this signal victory. It is 
true that the attempt to found a German University in the 
United States was a vain one, but nevertheless the agitation 
of the subject was not without immediate influence, and this 
influence grew when America began to realize the magnitude 
of the Gcnnan victory. 

In the light of recent developments the endeavors of Dr. 
Hermann Kiefer to reorganize the schools of Detroit and to 
establish a German University for the purpose of preparing 
the children of German descent to compete with their own 
cousins in the struggle for the survival of the educated, as- 
sumes a new aspect. His attempt in 1869 failed, but before 
the decade had passed the youth of America found it neces- 
sary to attend a German University in Germany. The 

72 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 73 

number, however, who attended was very small indeed, due 
largely to the fact that school teachers were paid such a 
miserable pittance that the real ability of the American 
youth could not be induced to invest the necessary sum. 
Gradually the demand for a higher education became 
stronger and stronger in the entire country. The young men 
of America were not prepared. Many of the Germans, as 
did Dr. Kiefer, sent their own sons back to Geratiany to get 
the education needed for the new emergency. These men 
told the story of opportunity to their cousins and friends 
and before the end of the century nearly all the schools and 
colleges of the country were filled with young men trained 
in Germany. 

America did not listen to the suggestions of the Revolu- 
tionist of 1848, who for twenty years insisted on the es- 
tablishment of a German University. The establishment 
of Universities in the meaning of the word German inter- 
preted by the Republican of Baden would have been a great 
advantage to America. Naturally the word German would 
have been dropped in course of time. 

The Civil War had acted as a leveler of many prejudices 
against the sturdy sons of the fatherland. In fact the war 
made Americans out of hundreds of thousands of these men, 
even if they were not prepared to consider the question of 
higher learning. When the prepared and trained men of the 
different German States began to flock to the flag to fight for 
Liberty and Union, the fortunes of war smiled on the side of 
the Republic. The people began to realize that the men and 
women who remained devoted to the land they had left in 
order to have greater opportunities and who had preserved 
the German traits of industry and perseverance, were for 
that very reason called, as it were, to be the best defenders of 
their new homes and their new country. They grew strong 



74 The Revolution of 1848 

again. Minor differences had been forgotten in the great 
struggle for the Republic they loved so well. They loved it 
because they had been trained to love their home and father- 
land. 

On the 1st of May, 1871, the Germans of Detroit cele- 
brated the coming Peace. They naturally selected Dr. Her- 
mann Kiefer to deliver the oration of the occasion. If 
the assembled men and women expected to hear a speech of 
exultation in the usual sense of the word, they were doomed 
to disappointment. The terrific Civil War had saddened the 
former Army surgeon. He saw in war not the procession 
of triumph, not the maddened frenzy of the mass, so easily 
carried away by a superficial interpretation of freedom 
and humanity, but the powerful struggles of great peoples 
and the intense suffering of individuals who had sacrificed 
their lives for their opinions of freedom and right. He re- 
called the suffering of the brave young men of Baden. He, 
who had sung the songs of freedom, knew full well the melo- 
dies cherished by the lovers of freedom, the melodies of hope- 
ful youth. He knew that the youth liad a right to live a 
life of free creative work. 

Dr. Heraiann Kiefer Avas not a supine pacifist. He believed 
in preparedness, yes, in military preparedness. In 1848 he 
had advocated preparedness for the establishment of a sov- 
ereignty of the people in order to overtlirow the inherited 
monarchy, the arch enemy of political freedom. He still 
retained the idea of preparedness as stated in the Offenburg 
Resolutions: 

"The people has no guarantees for the realization of its 
demands and for the establishment of a lasting condition of 
liberty. It must create its own guarantees. For this pur- 
pose a fatherland society shall be formed in every district of 
the country of Baden, the task of which shall be to care for 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 75 

the arming, and for the political and social education of the 
people, as well as for the realization of all its rights." 

The Republican of 184<8 could accept Washington's idea 
of a peace establishment, for he knew full well the dangers 
of an armed peace. 

The physician beheld the destructive forces of war and 
considered the sad destiny of the single man and especially 
the tragical lot of the one doomed to suffer the pains and 
pangs of a slow death. His ideas along this line find their 
best expression in a short funeral oration held in memory 
of Erhard Kirchberg, who suffered a lingering death for 
freedom and union. As a beautiful contribution to his 
belief that nothing can perish stands his Address at the Grave 
of a Child. And although bearing no date it sings similar 
melodies. The war of 1861-65 had filled his great life with 
feelings not unlike those expressed as he beheld the individual 
losses of the war. The war of the two great civilized na- 
tions had awakened and strengthened these powerful feelings. 
The fact that he was compelled to reflect upon the develop- 
ment of the war in a distant clime added to the intensity of 
the experience. Therefore a peace celebration to him was 
a conception having its serious aspects, for he beheld the 
entire war as a Kriegs- und Staatsaction, as a chapter in the 
development of the Imperial nation. He looked upon the 
victory as a victor}^ of the German nation. Throughout the 
entire long speech he does not mention the name of any single 
individual, of a Konig, of a Bismarck, of an officer. He was 
not in a joyous frame of mind when he worked on this con- 
tribution to the peace celebration of the German nation : "Let 
it be far from us to exult over the conquered opponent, far 
from us vae victis. The victory makes us happy indeed, fills 
us with pride and gratitude toward the German nation which 
has rescued the honor of its name in such a glorious and 



76 The Revolution of 18^8 

brilliant manner. . , ." He used the occasion to give public 
expression to the ideas which he had cherished so long. There- 
fore the speech is a real contribution to the understanding 
of the development of the German nation, written, as he 
frankly confessed, not by an historian, who could grasp the 
political conditions in their historical perspective, but by 
a dilettante who hardly had time even to retouch his work. 

A Spielhagen would say that this powerful peace oration 
was created by a man of the people, who had stood at the 
very forge of the currents of the 19th century and who 
understood the feelings and thoughts of the men who drew 
up the resolutions of 1847 and 1848 and thereby definitely 
directed the immediate history of constitutional Geraiany. 
This oration could have been written only by a man who 
had helped to evolve the development of the German nation. 
And even though he may still be looked upon as a dilettante 
by men who understand merely the cold recorded letter, this 
significant peace oration indicates that he had reached the 
height from which he could behold the way he had travelled 
and therefore had an outlook. Only the occurrences of 
1914-1917 could have given a proper perspective to a 
reader of this admonition to his beloved fellow citizens. He 
spoke as one who had continued to participate in the main- 
tenance of the common laws of the 19th century, which he 
himself had helped to preserve. He remained still the chair- 
man of that meeting which adopted the demand for a re- 
publican state, and therefore had followed the entire trend 
of events with the consistency of the man of the people who 
had helped to make possible the unification of the German 
peoples. 

Conscious of the importance of the occasion and con- 
scious of his own message Dr. Kiefer delivered his oration, 
which certainly did not correspond to the joyful expecta- 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 77 

tions of the people who heard him. They, however, were im- 
pressed with the power of his conviction and by the power 
of his delivery. The very first paragraph treated of the dire 
results of war between civilized nations: 

"To-day we are celebrating a festival as will occur in 
such grandeur only once in the life of a man, yes, we may 
say in the life of a nation ; a festival, grand, noble, and beau- 
tiful; a festival in which every humane heart must rejoice — 
a peace festival. Yes, a peace celebration after the bloody 
war between two of the most civilized nations of the world, 
which after a terrific struggle, after heroic deeds, such as 
history hardly ever records, have put out the flaming torches 
of war and have returned to a nobler occupation more wor- 
thy of men." 

Hermann Kiefer saw more than a mere peace celebration, 
he saw the festival of the resurrection of the German Nation, 
which for centuries had been compelled to endure ignominy 
and oppression. He traced the development of the growth of 
the national hate between these two nations which had made 
war unavoidable. He understood the dire effects of the 
armed peace which had consumed the productive energies 
and the material sources of these two peoples, crippling 
their commerce, industry and agricultural development. 

On the other side he recalled the old feelings of the South 
Germans who felt that safety consisted in a complete defeat 
of the French. This had come to be almost a patriotic 
confession of faith on their part. He referred with bitter- 
ness to the miserable deutscher Bund, which had not been 
equal to the occasion, and therefore largely responsible for 
the trend of events. He sketched the development within 
Germany after the removal of the unhappy dualism of Aus- 
tria and Prussia and the growth of the power of Germany 
until, without wishing war, no one was afraid of it, as for 



78 The Revolution of 18^8 

example in 1848, when all trembled at the word: "Die Fran- 
zosen kommen." After tracing the development of the po- 
litical relations and showing the growth of the attitude of 
the peoples, he described in detail the insignificant event 
which precipitated the war, "which must become decisive 
for the power and the existence of both nations." 

His description of the drama which took place among 
the German people written in his lonesome hours so far 
away from the homeland, demonstrates the truth that people 
remain about the same. The lad who had sung of the river 
Rhine and the young surgeon who had witnessed the upris- 
ing of the people for the establishment of their idea of the 
German nation, understood full well the Spirit abroad in 
the land. 

With an artist's touch he wove into his speech the words 
of the old Arndt. He seemed to divine the significance of 
this rejuvenated "Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland" for the 
German people. At the same time he could see the beloved 
ones at home, who, with anxious timidity, with hope and fear, 
waited for the first news, since they knew the stories told 
about the ancient enemy from childhood. 

In his speech the old German Republican recorded the 
hope he had cherished when he read that the Republic in 
France had been proclaimed. He interpreted this procla- 
mation in the light of the proclamation of 184-8 : 

"The world breathed freely for it was believed that the 
repubHcan government of France would hasten to atone for 
the crime of Napoleon and would extend a brother's hand to 
Germany, which had freed her from the shackles of Na- 
poleon, and would say — 'civiHzed nations do not wage war 
with one another, let us live in peace; we rejoice that we 
have gotten rid of him and his militarism which has clubbed, 
imprisoned, banished and murdered us for years,' " 



Dr, Hermann Kiefer 79 

Dr. Kiefer believed that this war was a defensive war with 
the national independence and honor of the German Nation 
at stake. He was disappointed that the man of the hour 
did not stand up in France and tell the French people the 
naked truth, but he could not know that even if the man had 
arisen, that Bismarck, whom he does not mention in the 
speech, would not have listened to a Republican, for even 
if he had not willed this war, he was going to carry it out 
to the finish in order to complete his great ambition, the es- 
tablishment of a Modern German Nation, not in the sense of 
the men of 1848, but in the sense of the Prussian interpre- 
tation of the words "inherited monarchy." Dr. Kiefer's con- 
ception must be interpreted with this fact in mind, as he 
spoke of the war: 

"The war is over; the thunder of the cannons is silenced; 
the noise of the battles dies down ; the smoke of conflict has 
disappeared; friend and foe, who hated each other in life 
and could not endure one another, lie peacefully side by side 
in death. Spring decorates with its flowers the graves of 
those resting in foreign soil, who, far from their loved ones, 
have found the death of heroes. The storms of winter are 
past, the entire nature breathes peace; may this peace also 
enter into the hearts of men and blot out the hatred which 
lead them to mutual destruction. The warriors will return 
home, but many a seat remains empty in the beloved family 
circle ; here the father is missing, there the son. Tears of 
pain for those who have fallen intermingle with the tears of 
joy. Let us place the laurel branch and the wreath of im- 
mortelles upon the graves of the heroes." And then he 
added, according to his conception of Cosmos: "charitable 
time will cure even this pain." 

The apostle of peace, who had joined the army of the 
Republic of Baden for the purpose of establishing a lasting 



80 The Revolution of 181^8 

condition of freedom for the German Nation and who had 
volunteered to serve in the army of the RepubHc in America, 
expressed in experienced words his confession of faith : 

"May this peace hasten the time when the people them- 
selves will conduct their own destinies and no longer destroy 
each other as the mere playthings of dynastic purposes. 
Wars among civilized nations are a crime against humanity. 
Only among savage people, where no arguments founded 
on reason may be applied, is the appellation to arms jus- 
tifiable; only where the voice of reason dies away unheard, 
shall the brazen mouth of the cannon decide. May it be the 
problem of the newly arisen power in the heart of Europe ; 
may it be the problem of Germany, to make wars impossible 
forever. Long it was the Cinderella among the nations, 
modestly it contented itself with the last place at the table 
of nations. May it use its power for the welfare of hu- 
manity. Higher rights bring forth higher duties. If Ger- 
many fulfills these duties in the meaning of progress, of 
freedom and of humanity, then and only then can it assume 
its position in a worthy manner in the great council of na- 
tions, acquire the respect of the entire world, be unassailable 
and unconquerable. And all the German races, wlio still 
stand outside of the common fatherland, will unite themselves 
under Germania's protecting banner." 

For a moment under the powerful influence of the peace 
celebration the hearers accepted this conception of faith. 
The writer himself was carried away by it and lie continued;) 

"If, however, the present German Empire should be a 
copy of the old Holy Roman Empire of the German Na- 
tion, if expeditions to Rome and crusades shall be its task 
then Kaiser William may well lay himself down to sleep 
alongside the old Barbarossa in Kyffhiiuser — and we will say 
with Stein : 'If I consider the affair exactly, we really do not 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 81 

need a Kaiser' ! Not by means of the sword, by battle and 
by war, by blood and death has Germany to make its con- 
quest, but by the power of science, by the recognition of free 
thought, of free investigation and of free self-determination. 
And it will fulfill its task. The spirit and the character of 
the Germanic race vouchsafes this for us !" 

Thus spoke the Republican Kiefer to an audience of Ger- 
mans, who had made the land of the free their home, and who 
with him beheld the victory as the victory of the German 
people. So thought the "still in the land" even in all the 
states of Germany until 1913, when they sang the word of 
the old Arndt with the new State-National interpretation. 
Even this celebration aroused in the peoples of Germany a 
different feeling from what was anticipated by the leaders 
of the inherited monarchy. It aroused the old Germanic 
folk-consciousness. We hear again the warning of the Re- 
publican of IS'IS, who on the occasion celebrated, spoke in 
the terms of a real peace celebration. 

The advocate of democracy reinterpreted the ideas of 
1848 on the beautiful May morn of 1871 for the children of 
1948. Not by means of the sword, by battle and by war has 
Germany to make her conquests, but by the power of sci- 
ence, by the recognition of free thought, of free investigation 
and of free self-determination. He certainly did not fore- 
see the extent of the growth of autocratic imperialism in the 
land which had produced so many disciples of liberty. 

The wars of 1861-65 and 1870-71 proved to be great 
teachers. The leaders of the New Republic had learned 
to know these men in the great struggle, and in 1872 Dr. 
Kiefer was selected as one of the presidential electors of 
Michigan. In 1876 he was a delegate to the Cincinnati Re- 
publican Convention. From that time on until 1880 he 
was a Republican speaker among the Germans of Michigan. 



82 Tlie Revolution of 18 48 

In the meantime lie had visited Germany where he spent 
several months in the year 1873. He has left no record in 
his handwriting of these speeches. A research in the press 
of that time would undoubtedly indicate that his message 
in the Freemont speech and the ideas already developed in 
his written works still inspired the Republican orator. It 
must always be kept in mind that the Revolutionist of Baden 
idealized the word Republican. But so intense was his ideal- 
izing, so vigorous his attacks on the established order, and 
so untiring his blows for the new freedom, that it was only 
Dr. Kiefer's lack of free command of the English language 
which kept him from becoming in this country a national 
leader. 

His work was recognized and in 1883 he was appointed 
U. S. consul to Stettin, Germany, where he remained until 
January, 1885. He looked upon this position as one of 
honor and also of responsibility. The location of Stettin' 
gave him the opportunity of studying the conditions in 
Northern Germany. The American Consul Kiefer looked 
upon the development in this country, largel}^ from the point 
of view of what he could bring of advantage to America. 
He immediately became interested in the growth of tlie sugar 
beet industry. The establishment of a beet-root factory 
in Stettin was the direct result of the growth of this indus- 
try during the last decade. The investment was an excel- 
lent one. In his report {Consular Reports, Vol. XII, pp. 
95-98) he made a recommendation, which indicated far-sight- 
edness on the part of tlie man who had studied the develop- 
ment of America. Even in this respect he may be consid- 
ered a forerunner of modern development, since he empha- 
sized the importance of this growing industry to the United 
States : 

"When I look at these astonishing results I cannot help 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 83 

thinking that in the cultivation of this root a new and large 
field of enterprise and prosperity would be given to our 
American people, and the object of this dispatch is to call 
the attention of those whom it may concern to this very 
important matter. 

"Climate and soil in many States, as for instance, in 
Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, are particularly fit- 
ted for the culture of sugar-beet, and one hundred thousand 
acres lying idle now, if planted with it would yield a rich 
harvest; thousands of men would get work in the factories 
needed for gaining the sweet juice, and for manufacturing 
the sugar ; the genius of the American people would contrive 
without doubt in a short time new machines and processes to 
make this wonderful industry even more profitable than it 
is in Germany ; the time will come when the beet root will 
be for the North what the sugar-cane is for the South, 
and sugar factories will replace within the Northern States 
the sorghum mills now springing up in the South, and the 
wealth of the nation will be increased materially, not only by 
adding a new industry to the country, but also by saving 
hundreds of thousands of dollars now annually sent abroad." 
Consul Kiefer carefully observed the European methods 
of introducing new articles into foreign countries and sent 
several dispatches beai'ing on this important question. The 
Neue Stettiner Zeitung ran an article which corroborated 
the opinions already expressed by Dr. Kiefer. The main 
points of the article are: 

"It is nothing new at all that manufacturers get to- 
gether and send experts as their representatives, but the fact 
is not appreciated by German merchants as it ought to be. 
. . . The travelling expenses and those of first fitting such 
an expedition, if divided among a number of partners, are 
according to experience not heavy at all, and will soon be 



84 The Revolution of 1848 

refunded. Besides, it might be shown in this way that many 
articles of the German industries, if exported, will find a 
market more readily than is usually expected. 

"The imperial consuls in foreign countries, as is generally 
agreed, are very willing to give any information about the 
countries and the people, to show the best ways and means 
to be taken, to obtain through their personal influence the in- 
troductions needed, and to place at the disposal of those 
interested all the knowledge of local conditions they have. 
. . . This is the reason why we want to recommend very 
earnestly the measure recently adopted by the Austrian man- 
ufacturers." 

This article, reprinted in the semi-official Norddeutsche 
Allgemeine Zeitung, appealed to Dr. Kiefer who recognized 
the importance of studying first of all the local conditions 
and the peoples as the main secret of success in any attempt 
to extend trade. He therefore added in his characteristic 
manner: "I can only say 'amen,' and think, in my humble 
opinion, the same principle, if carried out in Europe, and 
especially in Germany, might prove equally successful here, 
and the words — mutatis mutandis — ought to be told again 
and again to our American manufacturers !" This recom- 
mendation was written May 19, 1884. {Consular Reports, 
Vol. XIII, p. 14.) 

Perhaps the most interesting report made by Dr. Kiefer 
was his report: "How Germany is Governed." {Consular Re- 
ports, Vol. XV, pp. 394-400. See also p. 122.) The Revo- 
lutionist of 1848, who had contributed his energies to making 
the constitution of the proposed Republican form of Gov- 
ernment and who had advocated the presenation of these 
principles for over three decades, naturally became inter- 
ested in how Germany is governed. He also knew tliat the 
educated people of America did not understand the govern- 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 85 

ment of the German Empire. The election of October 28 
had aroused considerable interest in Germany and also in the 
rest of Europe. Dr. Kiefer felt that America should un- 
derstand the causes which had brought about the changing 
of German opinion. He gives a very concise statement of 
the principles of the parties and of the methods of elec- 
tion. He also traces the trend of events leading up to the 
October election. The most significant result of the election 
was the selection of 24 members of the socialist party. The 
advocate of freedom, education and common weal of 1848 
had become intensely interested in the social conditions of 
Northern Germany in 1884. He had followed the campaign 
very closely and his diagnosis of the causes which led to 
the victory of the Socialists is significant in that it explains 
to us the orator of the fiftieth anniversary of 1848. The 
most important paragraphs are: 

"It is only natural that the public, seeing socialistic ideas 
indorsed by the Government itself thinks them all right. But 
the most important reason is the lamentable social condi- 
tion of the people, the scanty food, the miserable lodgings, 
the low wages, the increasing poverty of the working classes, 
the accumulation of wealth in the hands of the few, the usury 
practiced by a certain class of money-lenders, the riches 
gained by unscrupulous speculation, often based upon the 
ruin of thousands ; the pride and haughtiness of the nobility 
looking down from their ancient castles upon those toiling 
and working along in the sweat of their brows, as inferior be- 
ings ; the contrast between comparatively few carrying on a 
life of idleness and luxury, and the thousands striving for 
their daily bread and the poorest shelter against storm, 
rain and cold; all this combined with the conviction that 
they are treated wrongly, and in consequence of a more gen- 
eral education, a greater intelligence, and the desire for bet- 



86 The Revolution of 18^8 

tering their conditions, the claim for a fair share of the 
profits yielded by their work, a claim so far denied, has 
caused a widespread dissatisfaction, which swells the social- 
istic ranks daily and hourly. 

"They have resolved to stand upon their feet, to rely 
upon their own strength, they beUeve in the justice of their 
cause, and are usually convinced that the future is theirs. 
They don't trust to any promises ; they don't compromise 
with any party, and they are ready to sacrifice for their 
principles." 

Thus Dr. Hermann Kiefcr explained in 1884 the inevita- 
ble rise of the Socialistic party. The lamentable conditions 
gradually grew worse and worse until they seemed to reach 
their climax in 1891, the year in which the Erfurt Pro- 
gram was adopted. Dr. Kiefer also observed the importance 
of the election of 24 members to the Reichstag : 

"It should be known that, according to the rules existing, 
no one can bring in a motion if not subscribed to and in- 
dorsed by fifteen members, at least. Hence, the Socialists 
will teach their principles in the legislative halls of the Ger- 
man Empire; they will advocate the measures proposed by 
them for years, not that they expect to carry them, but they 
can make, without incurring punishment, a formidable prop- 
aganda; the words spoken in the Reichstag will go, in the 
stenographic reports, all over the country ; the anti-socialist 
law has no effect upon them, for the members of the Reich- 
stag, the representatives of the people, are, by the constitu- 
tion, unimpeachable for what they are saying in exercising 
their mandates." 

The final sentence of the keen observer of the conditions 
of Baden in 1848 and the similar conditions of Northern 
Germany of 1884 shows that he understood the trend of 
events : 



Dr, HerTnmvn Kiefer 87 

"Having shown the current of the tendencies and senti- 
ments of the German people and the differences of opinion 
separating them, we must not overlook the fact that two 
powerful elements are uniting them, viz., patriotism and 
national pride; the fatherland and a strict military organi- 
zation bind them together; the former is the moral, the 
latter the physical element of their strength and prestige." 

The remarkable report written in 1884 seems to ahnost 
foretell the Germany of the 20th century. It remained for 
the Government to recognize the situation and to bring 
about the necessary legislation and the application of busi- 
ness and scientific methods in order to remedy the historical 
evils. It remained for the silent revolution of 1885 to 
awaken the people and finally the government to realize the 
dangerous position of the German Empire. 

Dr. Kiefer had already treated the conditions of the la- 
boring classes in a report to the Department of State. (See 
Department of State, Document 2299, Labor m Germany, 
pp. 485-529. ) The introductory remarks are characteristic 
of the man who understood that this entire investigation 
would amount to little: 

"First, the magnitude and the importance of the subject 
is so great and its field so extensive that it would well be 
worth the pen of the most renowned national economist, and 
a John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, Lassalle, Marx or 
Henry George ought not to have been ashamed to try their 
genius on it after a lifelong study of the questions involved. 
"Second, as the Department wants 'these reports com- 
pleted as speedily as possible,' no time is given to collect 
facts as it ought to be done; besides the people here who 
only could give the needed information are in many cases 
not willing to do so, and either refuse it at once, or, what 
is even worse, promise it, delay it from one week to another, 



88 Tlie Revolution of 18^8 

and at last excuse themselves with want of time, or hand in 
two or three meagre items at the most. Government em- 
ployees, who could give all information wanted, are forbid- 
den to do so. . . . Many of the most important questions 
asked are just now under discussion in the Gennan Diet; 
also statistics are being prepared about wages, cost of living, 
rent, etc., by the Imperial statistical bureau; but as the 
Germans are doing all that they do completely and thor- 
oughly, they cannot do it quickly and speedily as we Ameri- 
cans are used to. Within a few years it will be an easy mat- 
ter to make such a report, as everything needed then will be 
found in the works edited by the German authorities, and 
will only have to be translated." 

From the above it is evident that Consul Kiefer recognized 
the importance of such investigation for both Germany and 
America, but that he did not have much confidence in Ameri- 
can thoroughness and scholarship. He also evidently did not 
discern that the German Government was carefully conceal- 
ing the true state of affairs both on account of the effect 
of the investigation upon the German people and also upon 
the world at large. Even the Republican of 1848 was be- 
ing deceived by a promised investigation of the labor situa- 
tion and of the cost of living. Bismarck did not dare to rec- 
ognize the claims of the Socialists. It would have hastened 
the day of the repealing of the anti-socialistic law and cer- 
tainly would have increased the number of members of the 
Socialistic party. 

And although Dr. Kiefer did not fully grasp the impor- 
tance of the question from the point of view of the Imperial 
Government, yet his observations of the local conditions in 
Stettin and neighborhood, show that he was a close ob- 
server of conditions and could compare them with the condi- 
tions he had observed in Detroit and America. In writing 



Dr. HermaTm Kiefer 89 

of the cost of living, he said in part: 

"With all the differences, the following facts are indis- 
putable: (1) The incomes are so small, that considered 
from an American standpoint they will be looked upon as 
starving wages; (2) in consequence of this smallness, the 
laborer has to save on clothing, rent, etc., and vice versa, 
and this is the way he has to make both ends meet. An 
American laborer spends nearly as much money for food 
alone, although the prices are lower, than his German fellow- 
worker earns during the year. That they can live on such 
a trifling sum depends on the minor waste of tissue and vital 
forces, first in consequence of climate and then because of 
work being done more slowly and things generally taken 
easier. Out of all Americans only American consuls are 
paid in the same ratio." 

The situation, as far as the feelings between employees 
and employers were concerned, appeared to be fair and pass- 
able, yet it seemed to Consul Kiefer that the "satisfaction" 
was only on one side, while the other was calmly suffering 
what it could not change. He wrote: 

"The effect of this state of things on the general and par- 
ticular prosperity of the community is so far a beneficial 
one, when a feeling of general security exists, everything go- 
ing smoothly, and no outbreaks and social disturbances oc- 
cur. But the careful observer cannot fail to notice that the 
idea of common interests of employer and employee is losing 
strength every day and is fading away in the same propor- 
tion as when the works of private persons are turned over 
to associations of capitalists, L e., stock companies taking 
the place of private enterprise." 

Dr. Kiefer, who thought that mutual esteem and friend- 
ship were the essential bonds which united employer and 
employees, could not quite discern the unqualified blessings 



90 Tlie Revolution of 18^8 

of trade regulations and social legislation. He wrote: 

"This change of sentiment is aided besides by the trade 
regulations {Gewerheordnung) and social legislation, which 
define and settle all the relations between both parties and 
cause an alienation of the employed from the employer, be- 
cause the former does not feel himself any more either obli- 
gated to or dependent upon the latter, since the rights and 
duties of both have been determined by law. So, in spite of 
the many true and noble principles embodied in these regu- 
lations, they seem to have in many instances the contrary 
effect of what the f ramers and authors expected ; instead of 
binding together and uniting in one body both parties, they 
are loosening the ties of friendship and love hitherto existing. 
The patriarchal relations of former times are growing 
weaker, the remembrances of the past are sinking into obli- 
vion and blindfolded justice in its supremacy is enthroned 
on the deserted chair of mutual esteem and friendship. 
Whether this is a gain — who can say?" 

Under the caption "General condition of the working peo- 
ple," Dr. Kiefer treats material which has been freely used 
by the modern German writers. He describes the miserable 
lodgings in cellars and in the upper stories of the old build- 
ings. He comments on the natural social degradation which 
follows the crowding of the people of all ages and sexes in 
such miserable limits. He quotes from the reports of the 
official communications as follows : "The fare of working- 
men is on the whole a sufficient one, the prices of provisions 
being in accordance with wages paid, altliough the former 
differ about 20 per cent in various places of the province" 
and then adds : "Now let us hear the parties interested 
themselves." He then describes the meager meals in detail. 
He did not follow the official communication or hearsay, but 
went to the workingmen who described their daily "bread !" 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 91 

The answer of one of his Informants is a typical one in- 
asmuch as it gives us an insight into the keen powers of 
observation of Consul Kiefer. It tells us the story of a 
modern drama, and explains the impulse to go to America. 
"He smiled gloomily (I never shall forget this smile) and 
said: 'I must get along with it (the food) or steal — this is 
the choice left to all who are neither noblemen, nor rich men, 
nor salaried officers ; when in the house of correction, or 
state prison, we are cared for ; but for the poor wives and 
children — I am going to America when my brother sends me 
the money.' " 

Consul Kiefer's comments on these poor fellows were made 
before the rise of modern German commerce and industry. 
In fact the primary object of modern German expansion 
was to further the development of these men and women. 
To Dr. Kiefer the ownership of the land seemed to be the 
essential question. He writes : 

"Their chances for bettering their condition are none, 
everything in this country being fixed and settled for cen- 
turies ; the land in possession of private owners, principali- 
ties of 100 square miles often in one hand, and, on the other 
side, again, lands are divided into such small parcels that the 
owners cannot live off their produce ; an over-population by 
which wages are kept down to a minimum; the poor people 
carrying on a life of incessant toil and privation, a continu- 
ous struggle for existence, working day by day, from morn- 
ing to evening, for the barest necessities of life, knowing that 
when old and invalid and unable to work any longer, they 
have to depend upon charity ; after forty years of hard work 
to be at the same point whence they started as young men, 
and yet content and at times even happy ! On Sundays 
and holidays they go out with their families, hear some mu- 
sic, have a dance, breathe fresh air, enjoy themselves under 



92 The Revolution of 18^8 

the green trees, delight in nature's beauty and spend a few 
pfennigs, saved by assistance of wife and children. And 
then the moralist steps in and says, 'they are improvident 
and regardless of the future and spend in drinking and danc- 
ing all they earn,' Oh, the Pharisee ! That they go some- 
times into excesses, I admit ; but I only am astonished how 
seldom it happens. They drink bad whiskey because they 
have no money for beer or something better. They would 
certainly prefer wine or champagne as well as our moralist 
does, if they could afford it. I might ask, have they really 
no claims to pleasures and joys of life, and, besides, what 
inducements have they to save anything, even if they could .'^ 
They never could get a home for themselves ; nothing they 
can call their own in the world, except their poverty and 
their misery. Thousands and thousands more would come 
to the United States every year if they only could save the 
marks to pay the passage." 

Dr Kiefer, the advocate of a regenerated humanity, con- 
tinues his description, a description equal in power to one 
of the realistic school of writers. Unfortunately the original 
was not preserved: 

"One of this class (the better class) told me that he saved 
50 marks within four years, and bought furniture for two 
rooms worth 100 marks — altogether $35.70 — but only with 
the strictest economy. Thirty-five dollars and seventy cents 
within four years, — think of it, American fellow-laborer 
(note the old meaning of the word used by the Republican 
of 1848)! The savings of man and wife after four years' 
constant hard work ! On the other end of the line, we find 
good-for-nothing fellows, the scamps, the idlers and tramps; 
they pass away their time in idleness, and spend what they 
earn (if ever they do earn) in drinking and dancing; but 
they also are exceptions, fortunately not many; they may 



Dr. Hermarm Kiefer 93 

once have been good, honest workingmen, but they don't be- 
long any more to this noble and respectable class. Bad com- 
pany and bad whiskey have ruined them; misfortune, pov- 
erty, and misery may have helped to do the work; these 
are the causes which surround them and influence them 
for evil. As soon as the workingman is getting to be a regu- 
lar wliiskey dnnker, he goes down ; whiskey was in Northern 
Germany the common beverage, and it is yet in a smaller de- 
gree, but good, wholesome lager beer, is now taking its place 
more and more, and shows already a very beneficial influ- 
ence; religion and the consideration given by employers 
and the government to the welfare of the laborers do not 
fail to exert also an influence for their good. The physical 
and moral condition is the result of all the conditions writ- 
ten upon in the foregoing pages. With potatoes and chicory 
water as main food, a little bad whiskey, and, above all, mis- 
erable water to drink, with small, dark, ill-ventilated rooms, 
crowded to their utmost to live in ; no sunshine ever sending 
in its golden beam; the atmosphere contaminated with foul 
air arising from cellars and yards ; the original race badly 
mixed with foreign elements ; want, scantiness, poverty, and 
misery around them, we cannot expect to find among these 
classes the powerful athletes of olden times as Tacitus de- 
scribes them, with their fair, golden-reddish hair, the blue 
eyes, the glance even which the unconquered Romans could 
not stand ; we miss that well-known 'furor teutonicus' which 
made old Rome tremble and succumb to those barbarians." 

The skilled physician trained by long experience to know 
that conditions beget to a great extent the manifold ailments 
of humanity, wrote with the conviction of a modern disciple 
of eugenics about his observations : 

"Scrophulosis with all its consequences, sore eyes, sore 
heads, swollen limbs and abdomens, rhachitis, with its curva,- 



94 The Revolution of 18^8 

turcs of the spine, and so on, and the whole legion of diseases 
resulting from poor food and bad air, insufficient nutrition 
in general, are only too frequent and fill the hospitals and 
asylums with their victims, cripples, idiots, epileptics, etc. 
Also these conditions will produce in moral respects no 
saints ; the purity of morals is stained with dark spots, but 
according to all information obtained, no worse than in 
countries better situated. Prostitution, illegitimate births, 
syphilis not more spread than elsewhere, the crime of abor- 
tion nearly unknown. Man is the product of the conditions 
surrounding him, — food and drink, air and light, society 
and education make him what he is. I tried to get official 
figures about all these points to show in tabular form the 
percentage of suffering in physical or moral respects, but in 
vain. Those who have evaded all the perils surrounding their 
childhood and youth grow up still as comparatively strong 
and healthy if not tall men ; and the three years' military 
service, with repeated exercises through nine years further, 
make them tough, enduring, steady, and adroit. They have 
inherited a marvelous tenacity, everlasting energy and the 
powerful vigor of tlicir ancestors which carry them through 
the most unfortunate conditions." 

Dr. Hermann Kiefer, the Socialist for the time being (So- 
cialists, however, may properly object), held that the im- 
provement of these conditions would bring about a renas- 
cence of the most important class of the nation : 

"And tiiis energy, tliis tenacity, this vigor is only asleep 
within these poor classes ; it exists among them and awakens 
under more propitious circumstances ! Give them fresh air 
and sunlight ; wholesome food ; give them free speech, free 
soil, and free labor; let them have freedom of thought and 
liberty of action, and they will recuperate, regain their phys- 
ical strength, recover their moral health, and justify the 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 95 

truth of the words of the honorable Secretary of State in his 
letter to Congress dated May 17, 1879: 'Such are the 
characteristics of the German working classes, characteris- 
tics which, under more favorable circumstances in the United 
States, have helped so materially in the development of our 
vast resources, which have made the name German-American 
synonymous with industry and good citizenship, and which 
have given to the agricultural and manufacturing mind of 
our country much of its solidity and perseverance.' " 

Consul Kiefer's remarks on the safety and comfort of 
factory operatives also shows a careful study of the situa- 
tion and a close observance of the laws passed to improve 
the conditions of the laborers and to strike at the root of 
direct misery, viz., sickness and accidents. It is interest- 
ing to note how keenly Consul Kiefer noticed the trend of 
events leading up to the ultimate regulation of the condi- 
tions which has made Germany the strongest national or- 
ganization in the world. When he visited Gennany in 1910 
and noticed the remarkable advance made along the lines 
of education and common weal he became reconciled to a 
great extent with the efficient German government which had 
recognized the results of modern scientific research, at least 
as far as the natural sciences and the science of medicine 
were concerned. He even thought that personal liberty was 
more appreciated than in America. But he always main- 
tained that the government had been forced to recognize 
the principles advocated in 1848 and also later by the So- 
cialists. 

Under the caption "Causes of Emigrations^ Consul Kiefer 
adds powerful sentences which come right out of his long 
life's observation of the dire annals of the poor working 
classes. The question of emigration seemed to awaken his 
thoughts and feelings as a fugitive from "justice." He re- 



96 The Revolution of 1848 

lived the very destinies of the poor people who were com- 
pelled to leave the Heimat they really loved. His obser- 
vations may well be studied to-day by the average American 
who fails to grasp the thoughts of these people and of their 
children who have helped to build up the Republic, and who, 
by the way, will listen more attentively to Kiefer's appeal to 
support federal policies as time goes on. 

Causes of Emigration as Stated hy Consvl Kiefer 

A number of causes combine to swell the flood of emigra- 
tion. Among them I will enumerate : 

1. The overpopulation of most parts of Germany. 

2. Large estates. 

3. The smallness of wages, with all its consequences which 
drive the laborers to "the last ditch," the Atlantic 
ocean and across, with the common device "it cannot 
get worse." 

4. The relatives and friends living in "America" ; scarcely 
a family is here without such. Each of the former 
acts involuntarily as an immigration agent ; news from 
America is waited for with eagerness. If a letter ar- 
rives the people congregate in groups ; the letter is 
read to all by the lucky fellow who receives it ; the dull 
faces lighten up, the eyes glisten, and one wish is com- 
mon to all : "Oh, that we could go to America !" 

5. The money advanced by their American friends, either 
in cash or in form of passage tickets. Without this 
help hundreds and thousands never would have seen 
the hospitable shores of the "free land" ; hundreds and 
thousands more would leave every year if they only 
had the means. 

6. The words "ora et labora," once comprising the sub- 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer ' 97 

stance of all their rights, is not believed in any more 
in this sense of the word ; and a hundred Stockers and 
Winthorsts cannot restore the lost faith ; the poor fel- 
lows begin to understand that they also have some 
claims besides, and some more rights in this beautiful 
world. 
7. As other causes might be mentioned, among many 
the game law, the law against the Socialists, the ob- 
ligation to do military duty, and some more. But all 
these are of minor importance — the main, principal 
cause, the leading idea, is to better their condition, 
to get independent, to become free citizens of a free 
country, with equal rights to all; a country which af- 
fords the opportunity to rise higher in material, physi- 
cal, and moral welfare, and the wish to see their chil- 
dren happy, free and contented before they themselves 
pass away. The great bulk of emigrants are labor- 
ers, agriculturists (farm hands), and mechanics of 
every sort and ability. The other classes here are 
mostly well-to-do, and, as a class, do not emigrate; a 
few dozens perhaps, of educated and professional men 
who, either led by the idea of finding a better field for 
their work, or driven by the desire to see foreign coun- 
tries and increase their knowledge ; some young mer- 
chants who want to enrich themselves by establishing 
branch houses, agencies, and so on, to import Euro- 
pean goods, and a few "lost existences," who have 
nothing to lose and everything to gain, make up the 
rest. 
Dr. Kiefer, the true American citizen, added in closing 
this section of his report: "And it is to be hoped that all 
these men and women, who have given up home, friends, and 
'fatherland,' knowing that they will never see them again. 



98 The Revolution of 18^8 

will find their wishes fulfilled, their expectations realized, and 
become good, industrious, honest and true citizens of our 
great Republic." 

Dr. Kiefer, the finn believer in the essential forces of na- 
ture and human nature, had a strong confidence in the re- 
generation of humanity within a State which would remove 
the conditions undermining the constitutions of the children 
of men. At the same time the son of the Black Forest had 
great faith in the most important class, the productive labor- 
ing class of Germany. 

"The German laborer is poor but honest, suffering and 
struggling for his daily existence, but contented, fond of 
pleasure, but industrious and economical, loving the place of 
his birth, the play-grounds of his childhood, the fields which 
have witnessed the labor and the bravery of his youth and 
manhood ; but despairing to ever better the conditions he 
lives in, he gives up everything to find a new home, a brighter 
future for himself and his beloved children in a far-away 
land, that land which is the hope of all the unfortunate, of 
all the oppressed and downtrodden of the world. May his 
hope forever remain." 

The important report of Consul Kiefer, finished in July, 
1884, notwithstanding the fact that he was unable to ob- 
tain exact statistics, and was compelled to complete it as 
speedily as possible, contains observations which are of great 
import even for the reconstruction period which inevitably 
must follow the great European war, whether the United 
States becomes actually involved in the war or not. In fact 
in many respects the threatening unrest among the laboring 
classes of America, shows that the reunited Republic did 
not sufficiently hearken to the repeated warnings of the Re- 
publican of German3\ The reports of Consul Kiefer contain 
all the essential problems which will confront the Republic 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 99 

for the next three decades. 

It was unfortunate for America that Consul Kiefer re- 
signed his office upon the election of a Democratic president, 
because he was not willing "to be," as he stated, "a victim 
of the political guillotine or to see civil service reforms man- 
aged by the Democrats." He would have observed the trend 
of the development of the social conditions of Germany and 
his reports and dispatches would have contained valuable in- 
formation for his beloved America. He remained in Europe 
for several months and continued to observe the changing 
social conditions of the laboring classes. These years in 
Germany awakened his memories of the old struggles in Ba- 
den, but he viewed the conditions in the light of the study of 
the works of Karl Marx and Henry George. He came to be 
more a Socialist than a Republican. This was due partly 
because the Socialists had adopted practical measures for 
the improvement of the social conditions and because the 
tendency of the leaders of the Republican party was towards 
the barons of organized finance. He held that the State, 
that is the federal government, should regulate the growth 
of all industries, both city and country. 

In the meantime Dr. Kiefer devoted his attention in public 
matters to the work of the Detroit library commission and 
to the extending of his ideas of the development of the City 
and of the State. He was a charter member and vice-presi- 
dent of the Wayne County Savings Bank, which position he 
resigned when he received the appointment as U. S. Consul at 
Stettin, Germany. He was a director of the Michigan Mu- 
tual Life Insurance Company from 1883 to 1892. He was 
active in the Michigan State Medical Society, as well as in 
the American Medical Association. His interest in history 
and social and political sciences is indicated by the fact that 
he joined the American Historical Association and the 



100 The Revolution of 18^8 

American Academy of Political and Social Science. Dr. 
Kiefer preserved nothing which would bear on this period. 
His ideas, however, are preserved in an extended correspond- 
ence with his close and intimate friend, Dr. Ziegel of Stettin. 
But it is impossible to obtain the correspondence for this 
volume. 

In 1889 Dr. Kiefer was appointed by Governor John T. 
Rich to fill a vacancy on the Board of Regents of the Uni- 
versity of Michigan and he was elected in 1893. His name 
was again brought up before the convention in 1901, but he 
refused to enter into any political combination. He main- 
tained that he had never compromised himself in political 
matters and did not intend to begin the new century by any 
action which would reflect upon his character. He looked 
upon the Regency of the University of Michigan as a posi- 
tion of honor and trust and resented any attempt of prac- 
tical politicians to use this position as a means of furthering 
their power or political interests. 

Dr. Kiefer's untiring work for the University of Michigan 
was recognized by the Board of Regents of the University 
of Michigan. On June 19, 1902, he was honored by the 
Board of Regents with the honorary degree of M.D., and 
with the title of Professor Emeritus of the Practice of Medi- 
cine, in consideration of his merits for the advancement of 
the Department of Medicine and Surgery of the University 
of Michigan. The faculty of the Department of Medicine 
and Surgery had his life size portrait painted in oil for the 
faculty room in the new medical building by his son Edwin 
H. Kiefer (this note is taken from a little slip which Dr. 
Kiefer added to the statement found in The National Ency- 
clopcedia of American Biography, Vol. XI, p. 415). 

Dr. Hermann Kiefer took his seat as a member of the 
Board of Regents of the University of Michigan in the April 



Dr. HerTuann Kiefer 101 

meeting, 1889. At the very next meeting in June Regent 
Draper moved, on the recommendation of the Department 
of Medicine and Surgery, that all students who enter the 
Department after July 1, 1890, be required to pass four 
years of professional study before graduation. The mo- 
tion was carried. Dr. Kiefer therefore became Regent at a 
most important time for the development of the Department 
of Medicine and Surgery, since the extension of the course 
made the realization of the academic spirit possible. He 
took considerable pride in the fact that he was able to 
bring about the settlement of the long debated question. Al- 
ready in October, 1887, a resolution of the Medical Faculty 
to the effect that the "Department be improved by its ex- 
tension to four years of nine months, instead of three years, 
thus bringing it nearer to the standard of the most advanced 
medical schools of Europe" had been presented, but the reso- 
lution was laid on the table. 

The spirit of the resolution appealed to Dr. Kiefer who, 
as already indicated, had been trained in the universities 
of Baden and had studied in Prague and Vienna. He knew 
personally the results of the most advanced medical schools 
of Europe. In order to make the results of the Newer 
Medical Science more effective the Founders of the Republic 
of Baden had established departments of medicine within 
their state organization. Dr. Kiefer was to be appointed 
Chairman of the departments of Medicine and Obstetrics. 
It was his ambition then to bring to the people the direct 
benefits of proper regulation and state prevention of dis- 
eases, as well as the results of research. He had noticed 
the price paid by the sturdy people who had come over to 
America, because of the lack of medical preparedness. As 
an Army surgeon he deplored the ruthless toll of uneducated 
surgeons in the great Civil War. In the year 1869 he ad- 



102 The Revolution of 184-8 

vocated the establishment of a German University in Amer- 
ica, having in mind Detroit as the logical center. He de- 
sired to make this University German in the sense of Ger- 
man scientific investigation, a university approaching the 
standard of the most advanced medical schools of Europe. 
He had obserA^ed very closely the gradual adoption of re- 
search by the German government during the time of his 
work as Consul, forced largely by the demands of the people 
on one side and the appeal of the men of research on the 
other. Dr. Kiefer was especially well prepared to under- 
stand the point of view of the young scientific men of the 
Medical Department. It is a significant fact that the resolu- 
tion was carried immediately after he became a member of 
the Board of Regents. 

In June, 1890, the Faculty of the Department of Medi- 
cine and Surgery presented a scheme for a four-years' 
graded course in the Department of Medicine and Surgery, 
which was, on the motion of Regent Kiefer, adopted, and 
the schedule was referred back to the Faculty for a more 
complete arrangement of the matter for the printer. Dr. 
Kiefer had given this question very careful consideration and 
was able to scrutinize the scheme as presented by the Fac- 
ulty. From the very first meeting until the laying of the 
corner stone of the new medical building on the fifteenth 
of October, 1901, Dr. Kiefer co-operated in all the en- 
deavors to advance the study of medicine in every way. He 
assisted in the bringing about of the appointment of young 
men of promise and encouraged them in their scientific work 
as much as possible. The inside preparedness of the Medi- 
cal College is due in large part to the fact that the Revohi- 
tionist of 1848 still advocated the recognition of new knowl- 
edge. He assisted in the establishment of new departments 
and in a proper arrangement of the work in order to make 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 103 

this possible. He often deplored the fact that the State 
had not awakened to the dire need of supporting advanced 
education for its own sake. And although he appreciated 
the merits of the men of the Old School of Gentlemen schol- 
ars, he also discerned that their spirit of harmony and 
culture was not in accord with the demands of the new age. 

He especially encouraged the providing of laboratories 
and clinical work both for instructor and student, thereby 
replacing the didactic lectures. In his address delivered 
at the ceremonies of October he practically restated the 
principles he had advocated for over a half of a century: 

"Modern laboratories are the most pressing need ; labora- 
tories, the imitations of nature's secret workshops, are in- 
dispensable to modern medical education. The didactic lec- 
tures of fifty years ago have given place to laboratory and 
clinical work, to be done by the students themselves ; the 
time has passed when Mephisto's sarcasm could be only too 
well justified: — 

"Prepare beforehand for your part 
With paragraphs all got by heart; 
So you can better watch and look 
That naught is said, but what is in the book." 

"I said this building, besides being the home of the Depart- 
ment of Medicine and Surgery, will also be the nucleus of 
the University of the future, a university different from the 
University of the past. Professor Huxley, the eminent sci- 
entist, comparing the two, says in a letter of April 11, 
1892: 'The Medical University looked backwards: it pro- 
fessed to be a storehouse of old knowledge, and except in the 
way of dialectic cobweb spinning, its professors had nothing 
to do with novelties. The modern university looks forward, 



104 The Revolution of 18^8 

and is a factory of new knowledge ; its professors have to be 
at the top of the wave of progress. Research and criticism 
must be the breath of their nostrils ; laboratory work, the 
main business of the scientific student ; books, his main help- 
ers. The lecture, however, in the hands of an able man, 
will still have the utmost importance in stimulating and giv- 
ing facts and principles their proper relative prominence.' 

"The Department of Medicine and Surgery of this Uni- 
versity is to be congratulated on having a corps of able men, 
imbued with these principles, full of scientific tastes, full of 
zeal and energy to advance science, enthusiastic in their 
endeavors to reach the highest goal, and, notwithstanding 
all the adverse circumstances, successful in keeping up the 
highest standard of medical education in this great country. 
Thanks to the men, thanks, who with all the difficulties here 
to be overcome and with all the inducements offered else- 
where, stood true and loyal to their posts, hoping against 
hope. 

"Great strides have been made by science within the last 
half of the nineteenth century, but great as they are, a 
scientific Alexander of the twentieth century needs not to 
despair that no work has been left for him. The knowledge 
of natural sciences, of which medicine is one and a principal 
part, is only in its beginning, is yet in its infancy ; the high- 
est problems are yet to be solved ; the eternal questions, 
wherefrom, whereto, why, and wherefore are not yet an- 
swered. Shall DuBois Reymond's famous word 'Ignora- 
bimus' stand forever? or has Haeckel by his Kiddles of 
the Universe shown the way for solution and answer? Who 
knows? Science is a mountainous region, full of abysses, 
gorges, cafions, precipices, and peaks ; if you have climbed 
one of the latter, imagining you could look around to the 
farthest horizon, you find your view obstructed by others, 



Dr. Hermarm Kiefer 105 

you have to go down and climb up again. The great prob- 
lems of mankind will not be solved by rough riders on the 
heights of San Juan in the glaring light of a tropical sun, 
not by the roar of cannons under fire and smoke, but by the 
quiet, persevering, never-tiring scientist in the solitude of 
the secluded laboratory, with the aid of artificial light in the 
sacred silence of the night. 

"May then this building become a 'factory of new knowl- 
edge' ; may there here be not only a teaching of what we 
know, but also a training in the methods of learning what we 
do not know; always aware that 'the ascertainable is in- 
finitely greater than the ascertained' ; may it become a pilot 
to guide the ship of science on the stormy sea of contending 
doctrines, and be a beacon to the sincere seeker of truth!" 

Although primarily interested in the upbuilding of the 
Department of Medicine and Surgery, Dr. Kiefer did not 
confine his attention entirely to this department. He was 
also interested in the extension of the course of the Law 
School and in the demands of the advocates of natural and 
social sciences, philosophy and modern languages. He was 
absolutely opposed to any autocratic attempt to prevent the 
rise of young men of merit and to a tendency to frustrate 
the introduction of newer methods of instruction in the 
name of harmony and unity. He encouraged the spirit of 
academic freedom in every respect and believed that the 
state universities should be models of an educated Repub- 
lican government and could not quite comprehend the bu- 
reaucratic tendency under the name of service and of effi- 
ciency. 

Notwithstanding the great demand upon his time and at- 
tention. Dr. Kiefer, now seventy years of age, still followed 
with intense interest the development of the German Em- 
pire. The panic of 1893 and the resultant social conditions, 



106 The Revolution of 18^8 

both in Germany and in America, aroused his heartfelt sym- 
pathy for the suffering laboring classes, for he well knew 
that meant the postponement of the time when the hope of 
the workingmen of the world could be realized. He was 
inclined to hold those in power responsible for the trend of 
events. He had always advocated that a government which 
recognized freedom, education and common weal, could con- 
trol the great economic questions, adjust the differences be- 
tween capital and labor, and could safeguard the interests 
of all productive classes, and especially the agricultural 
class, which he considered to be the most important class. 
He insisted that the government should be run by properly 
prepared officials and not by politicians. He thought it 
was necessary to have political parties in order to keep up 
the interest of the people in the principles of government. 
But at the same time he deplored the fact that the men were 
using the political parties necessary for the maintenance of 
these principles, in order to obtain positions in the gov- 
ernment of the city, state and country, regardless of the 
utter lack of abiUty or of the slightest semblance of prep- 
aration. 

In the midst of these conflicting feelings of the years 
1895-1898, the report came over from Germany that Prus- 
sia had refused permission to permit the erection of a sim- 
ple monument to the men who had fallen for their convic- 
tions on the 18th of March, 1848. This fact aroused the 
old fighting blood of the advocate of a real preparedness. 
He had a meeting called at the Socialer Turner Society in 
order to celebrate the 50th anniversary of these fallen he- 
roes. Ho prepared with great care the oration of the oc- 
casion. This oration is the last important document we 
have of Dr. Hermann Kiefer, who was then seventy-three 
years of age. It furnishes a fitting closing chapter of the 
eventful struggles of the idealist of 1848. Nearly all of 



Dr, Hermann Kiefer 107 

these men had fought the good fight of life. Only a few 
remained to celebrate tlie 50th anniversary of their great 
endeavor. 

The oration of Dr. Kiefer is of particular interest since 
it fills out so completely his record of this struggle. The 
poems of the gymnasiast and of the student, the resolu- 
tions of the different meetings and especially of the Freiburg 
meeting, where he controlled that wonderful gathering of 
men whose very souls were on fire, his various writings on the 
same fundamental question, including the inspired Schiller 
oration and the consular reports, containing so many ob- 
servations of the social conditions of the laboring classes, 
and finally his review of the great events of 1848 give us 
the most complete statement on the Revolution of 184*8 writ- 
ten by one of the most active leaders of the Republican 
movement. Dr. Kiefer remained consistent in this respect 
until the very last. He felt at the time of preparing this 
memorial to the fallen heroes of 1848 that it would be his 
last contribution. He could not dream at that time that 
he would live to see the new century or contribute to the 
100th anniversary of Schiller's death. He certainly never 
anticipated the fact that he would personally celebrate 
the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the Corps 
Suevia (Heidelberg) in 1910. 

He therefore poured into this oration his very life's blood, 
and although it is easy to discern that he studied again the 
original reports, resolutions and documents which he had 
brought over with him to America, and also later works 
on this period, nevertheless he remoulded this work accord- 
ing to the realization of the days which he seemed to re-live 
for the time being. The same spirit, which fired him on the 
26th of March, 1848, rekindled his powerful personality in 
1898. The audience followed the speaker in absolute si- 



108 The Revolution of IS^S 

lence for they seemed to realize that they were listening 
to a message written in 1848. 

The man who had lived the Revolution from boyhood, and 
who had re-lived the demands of the people in his lonesome 
hours in America, and who had had the opportunity of vis- 
iting the old scenes and of observing the rise of the New 
German Empire was prepared to unfold the story of the 
events and of the spread of the spirit of 1848 throughout 
Germany. He was still proud of the part played by Baden 
in this revolution. The events of the OfFenburg, Freiburg 
and Frankfort meetings seemed to him as if they were but 
yesterday. His realistic description of the economic, in- 
dustrial and social conditions, which called forth the meet- 
ings, made a profound impression upon his liberal hearers. 

The development within the last decade had aroused in 
him new interest in the fundamental questions of personal 
liberty, just taxation and better relations between capital 
and labor. He could not resist to call the attention of the 
citizens before him to the conditions in America : 

"Fellow citizens : He who has attentively followed this 
description of the time before the March days, can not fail 
to notice the striking similarity in many particulars — mu- 
tatis mutandis — with the conditions of our own times. Who 
can not find the demands of the people fonnulated at the 
Offenburg meeting just as justifiable and necessary in the 
'Land of the Free and the Brave' as they were then in the 
old fatherland fifty years ago under the control of the 
Bundestag! It is an old law: like causes, like results." 

These little excursions into the by-ways where his 
thoughts wandered, reveal to us the inner contemplation of 
his problematic nature, and it is unfortunate that he did 
not give expression to his feelings later on in life as he did 
in the years leading up to the Freiburg meeting. 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 109 

He spoke of the appearance of that fateful "extra" which 
shook the very foundations of Germany and therefore of 
Europe, as if he held the "extra" in his very hands. At 
seven o'clock on the evening of the 26th of February an 
extra edition of the Kolnische Zeitung appeared and 
brought the following news, which shook Germany like an 
earthquake : 

"Revolution in Paris ! 
The Republic proclaimed!" 

He described with the faithfulness of an eye-witness, who 
still saw the very looks of the German people, the effects 
of this sudden announcement upon the people of Baden, 
who had been preparing themselves, perhaps unconsciously 
for this hour. Yet the very accomplishment of the deed 
seemed to stun them. The simple sentence, "Orators of 
the people arose of their own accord, explained the contents 
and summoned the people to similar action and to deeds ; 
improvised meetings of the people were formed in the cities, 
in the villages, and even in the open country, which ve- 
hemently demanded the final granting of the promises made 
long ago by the princes and the fulfilment of the demands 
of the people," came out of his own experience, for he was 
then, as in 1898, an orator of the people, who had appeared 
from time to time to awaken the people to realize the posi- 
tion in which they had kept themselves. 

At the same time the speaker described the inner feelings 
of those in power, who, terrified at the very demands of the 
people, realized the sad and hypocritical role which they 
had played in the development of events. Conscious of their 
own guilt, as is always the case with petty men in power, 
they hastened to crush the people before they could arise 



110 The Revolution of 18^8 

any further. He poured his old hatred of the men, whom 
he, as a youth, held responsible for Germany's sad position, 
into words spoken with the fire of life: "The bad con- 
science, due to having defrauded their people of their most 
sacred rights, the consciousness of having repeatedly broken 
their promises made in the time of dire need crippled their 
energy ; before their very eyes appeared the forms of Carl 
I., Louis XVI., and Marie Antoinette and wrote their 
'mene, tekel, upharsin' on the wall. Even the Bundestag 
in Frankfort, which had held out the cold hand of the devil 
against all warm life, did not dare any longer to meet this 
movement breaking with elemental force. ... In this proc- 
lamation the hated administration, laden with the curse of 
the German people, declared : 'Germany must and will be 
elevated to the rank which is due it among the nations of 
Europe, but only the way of harmony, of lawful progress 
and of united development can lead there.' " 

The speaker recast for us in the same old mould the ef- 
fects of this proclamation upon the people, for he had helped 
to prepare the people for their actions. He told the story 
of the meeting of the 5th of March held in Heidelberg, where 
51 men gathered from various parts of Baden in order to 
make preparations for a public meeting. This meeting was 
set for the 19th of March at Offenburg. He described 
these preparations as only one could who had participated 
in them. 

He then reviewed in the light of his explanations the oc- 
currences in Vienna and Berlin. It is evident that Dr. 
Kiefer had reread the descriptions found in the histories 
at his disposal, but his adaptation of the accounts show 
how powerfully the news of the Berlin massacre, which had 
caused him to call the Freiburg meeting, had affected his 
entire life. He relived the March days, as he wrote the 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 111 

words he delivered with such magnetic effect. The old flag 
— black-red-gold, — to him the symbol "of the united and 
freed Germany," seemed to unfurl before his very eyes as 
he recreated the unfortunate scene which had taken place 
in Berlin and he heard again the words : "We have been be- 
trayed — to arms — revenge, revenge !" 

With dramatic power Dr. Kiefer described the proces- 
sion of death which had assumed the aspect of a procession 
of victory. He then interpreted with words of derision 
the motives of the King forced to accept the colors of 
the old German Nation, 

With all the pride of a young victor the old revolutionist 
recalled the days "of the birth of a nation for the German 
people." He became, as it were, the author of the poems 
dedicated years ago to the beloved black-red-gold flag, one 
of which was brought over to America to him, but which 
he had returned to his native city, where he thought it 
belonged to remind the youth of Baden of the deeds of their 
Republican ancestors. 

The man who had witnessed the death struggles of men 
falling for their idea of fatherland and who had so often 
watched human beings in their last hour, seemed to partici- 
pate in the burial procession on the 23d of March, 1848. 
He relived the hours of the feeling of revenge which domi- 
nated the student of medicine when he wrote the verses on 
the 20th of March, entitled Spring ^1^.8. 

The influences of the conditions which he had observed in 
Germany in the fateful year 1884 had reawakened the ex- 
periences of the March days of 1848 and had rekindled the 
old fires of his elemental nature. His entire body burned 
with anger and shame as he reflected on the refusal of the 
permission to erect a simple monument as a memorial of rec- 
ognition that these men had not fallen in vain. Dr. Kiefer, 



112 The Revolution of 1848 

however, had not noticed the tendency in Germany during 
the years 1890-1898 to glorify the part played by the in- 
herited monarchy in the development of the Modern Ger- 
man Empire. Prussia, which conquered the Republican 
heroes in 1848 and 1849, was driving forward in the great 
intellectual winning of the German States. 

Dr. Kiefer poured his wrath into the closing paragraphs 
of this remarkable address. 

"Already in July Freiligrath's poem, The Dead to the 
Living, a poem glowing with anger and shame, resounded 
like the triumphal call of the final judgment in the ears 
of the German people, calling them to a new battle — in vain ! 
He sang the requiem of the revolution. To-day in the glori- 
ous German Empire, which has the ideas of '48 and '49 as 
the foundation of its structure, it has gone so far, that 
narrow-mindedness, cowardice and meanness have refused 
the dead 'heroes of the revolution' a simple monument, 
and this in the very same Berlin in which, fifty years ago, 
King and ministers bowed and reverently bared their heads 
before these dead. They desire to blot out every remem- 
brance of that time from the memory of the people, but it 
still lives in the heart of the people, not only in Germany, 
but wherever Germans live. To-day we bring in this city 
our tribute of recognition and of admiration to those sol- 
diers of freedom and of the rights of man. Let us and 
with us, the Gennans of the United States, carry out that 
which the old fatherland refuses — a lasting monument in a 
fitting place to those who fell in the yeai's 1848 and 1849 for 
the freedom and unification of Germany — as a remembrance 
of the dead and as an admonition to the living." 

The speaker then described the period of the reaction 
which was victorious everywhere with the resultant humiha- 
tion, persecution, punishment and banishment. The day 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 113 

when he was compelled to flee the beloved fatherland was as 
if but yesterday. The man who had rejoiced in the victory 
of the German peoples in 1871 and had noticed the tendency 
of the improvement abroad in the land even in 1884, was 
not inclined to acknowledge that this development was due 
to the wise administration of the representatives of the 
monarchy. He knew full well that the development was due 
more perhaps to the individual man in the various fields of 
the State's work than to one man, a Kaiser or a Bismarck. 
He had lived long enough and had been away far enough 
to see the development in a better historical perspective 
than if he had been permitted to remain in Germany. He 
had not been influenced by the various attempts to divert 
his attention from the principles he had advocated. He 
remained loyal to his Republican principles, and for that 
matter to the Republican party, notwithstanding various 
attempts by men who desired to form new parties in order 
to further progressive principles, which can be found in the 
common laws of the proposed Republic of Germany. He 
had studied carefully in the light of the Baden history the 
constitution and the government of the New Empire, and 
although he welcomed the phenomenal growth of the Social- 
istic party, yet he was inclined to believe that even the So- 
cialistic party was not responsible for the great economic 
development of the German people. He thought that such 
a development should not be ascribed to a single man or a 
single party, or for that matter to a State, which being the 
servant of the people, had merely recognized the demands 
of the people. He insisted to the very last, although he rec- 
ognized the pre-Revolutionary contributions to the growth 
of the people, that the ideas advanced in 1848 formed the 
real foundation of the German State. He would not desig- 
nate the recent tendency in Germany to accept certain de- 



114 The Revolution of I848 

mands of the people as State Socialism, but rather as State 
Republicanism, the natural evolution of such a state lead- 
ing to a Republican state. He therefore finished his sig- 
nificant address with words giving expression to his convic- 
tion: 

"But in spite of all exertion the year 1848 was not to be 
stricken from the book of history, and the conditions pre- 
vailing before the March days were no longer to be reintro- 
duced. Another time had dawned. The idea of unity and 
freedom had become greatly strengthened, and was no 
longer to be eradicated, and even if it became realized in a 
different manner than we had expected and aspired to, yet 
much has become better in the old fatherland. The years 
of '48 and '49 have not been in vain. No Bundestag places 
its mailed fist on every free thought. Germany is no longer 
a geographical conception, but a State, which takes the 
place in the council of nations which is due its population, 
the intelligence of its inhabitants, its progress in art and 
science; and the foundations of this State are the ideas of 
the year 1848." 

Nevertheless the old Baden Republican did not behold 
the situation as one without unmixed evils. The news of the 
refusal to permit the simple monument to be erected to the 
fallen heroes of 1848 had opened the old wound so deeply 
inflicted. Alone he reviewed the entire development of the 
history of the unification of German}^, natural]}- not with the 
eyes of a Modern Prussian Historian, nor even with the eyes 
of a Modern German State Historian. The dilettante, as 
he called himself, could not quite accept the history as 
taught to the youth of German3\ It pained him to be com- 
pelled to accept the fact that the flag for which he had 
fought had not been recognized by the New State. With 
keen regret he stated; 



Dr, Hermann Kiefer 115 

"Verily the black-red-gold flag does not wave over the 
land. They have eradicated the gold of freedom, and as a 
sign that Germany is being absorbed in Prussia, they have 
taken for the foundation the black-white Prussian flag." 

Yet he consoled himself with the thought that the black- 
red-gold flag had served its good purposes, as he beheld 
the approach of the new century in the light of the great 
advance which had taken place within the last decade. 
The times of 1893 had passed and he took new hope when 
he observed the improvement of economic conditions and 
the building up of the new industries. The news which 
wafted across the waters from Germany seemed more hope- 
ful. Yet at the same time he did not fail to see that this 
forward movement was not all it should be. He beheld 
the growth of the trusts at the expense of the productive 
classes, who were not receiving their due share, as danger- 
ous to the real prosperity of the State. He deplored the 
growth of the power of politicians. He observed the tend- 
ency not to recognize merit and education as the cause of 
promotion, but political and social influence. He noticed 
the tendency to eliminate the personal freedom of the indi- 
vidual in all classes. He looked with mistrust upon the 
attempts of organizations, especially churches, to control 
the problems which belonged to the city or to the State. He 
observed the sad lot of the oppressed and the disinherited 
which stood out in greater relief on account of the apparent 
prosperity. He thought that Barbarossa had been awak- 
ened and that it was necessary only "to free the oppressed 
and disinherited of all lands from their miserable existence." 
In the light of 1848 he beheld a new Revolution under a new 
flag which would restore the color Gold (Freedom) which 
had been eradicated from the flags of the Nations. Other- 
wise it would be difficult to interpret liis final admonition: 



116 The Revolution of 18^8 

"As the days pass by thej^ will demand with greater violence 
the rights which have been withheld from them so long, 
hourly their demands grow more urgent and louder and 
more sure of victory resounds the call: 

"One more fight we must endure, 
A last great victory; 
The last fight on earth, 
The last holy war." 

In the last years of his life he brooded about the Revolu- 
tion which was to come. One evening; in a conversation with 
the writer he said, in speaking of the period of reaction 
which had set in during the first decade of the twentieth 
century, a reaction which seemed about to obtain control 
of the schools and of the state, using the diagnosis of the 
social reformers as a pretext to obtain control of men: 
"Be careful, young man. The powers of hypocrisy and of 
the stupid reaction are too strong for you." 

The venerable Revolutionist sat for a few moments in 
silence in his arm chair and then added : "There will be a 
revolution here, perhaps not so soon. But if it should go 
so far, do not forget what I have told you. Have you a 
son.''" To the answer "yes" he added after a few mo- 
ments of silence: "Poor boy, perhaps he may be compelled 
to sacrifice all for the dream of his youth ! Would you like 
to hear my story.?" Naturally I answered "yesv" He 
paused and became very tender. His entire body seemed 
to thaw up under the influence of the pictures which evi- 
dently passed before his mind's eye. I shall never forget 
that look as he sat there and told the story of his life which 
was so powerful that I cannot repeat the words. Then he 
closed with the words : "My entire life has been a failure." 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 117 

The 100th anniversary of the death of Schiller ap- 
proached. As in 1859 preparations had been made in all 
parts of the world wherever two or three Germans could 
meet together, in 1905 similar preparations, only on a 
more extensive scale, were made to recognize the contribu- 
tions of the Swabian poet to art and liberty. Only a scat- 
tered few who had contributed to the Schiller celebration 
in 1859 had been spared to witness the revival of Schiller- 
cult in the first decade of the twentieth century. The com- 
mittee in charge of the Schiller commemoration in Chicago 
arranged not only for the production of WUhelm Tell on 
the 14th of April and for the programs of the 6th, 7th, 8th 
and 9th of INIay, but they also decided to publish a volume 
to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of Schiller's 
death. 

An invitation was extended to Dr. Hermann Kiefer to 
contribute to this volume, and, as stated at the very be- 
ginning of the introduction, the venerable American of 
eighty reiterated the same fundamental tone he had touched 
in his very first poem — Liberty. He closed his letter with 
the hope he had cherished his entire life in America, "that 
the related Germanic races, which had met again on Ameri- 
can soil, that the Anglo-Saxon and German would join 
hands in common labor for the extension of the empire of 
freedom and humanity." 

We have no material wi^itten during the last few years of 
the life of the demander of justice. He kept abreast of 
the social and political development of the times and came 
to be especially interested in the economic development of 
modern Germany. In his lonesome hours he reviewed the 
events of the last half century, and the people whom he 
had met in the years gone by lived again for him. His 
bitter conflicts in the endeavors to further his conception 



118 Tlie Revolution of 18^8 

of the kingdom of Liberty and Humanity became real once 
more. 

He who had given his best life to the establishment of 
societies for the preservation of human ideals and for the 
furthering of the welfare of the productive members of so- 
ciety, beheld with intense regret the destructive social ac- 
tivities of the city which had become too prosperous. He, 
who had given up all for Liberty, yes, for personal Liberty, 
beheld the tendency to rule the people with an iron spirit, if 
not an iron hand, with feelings mixed with amusement and 
pity. He looked upon the growth of capital at the exploi- 
tation of the productive classes as a real menace to liberty, 
education and the common weal. He could not comprehend 
why men in the beginning of the new century had not taken 
up the banners of the new century, but had returned to the 
old colors. He could not understand why people refused 
to apply the results of the research of the past century to 
their own private life. It made him sorrowful to be com- 
pelled to observe the mad struggles for external pleasures 
at the cost of the cultivation of the gifts of nature. 

He looked upon the development of America with strange 
feelings. Everywhere commercial progress, economic devel- 
opment, the application of science to world's work, but intel- 
lectual stagnation. He could not understand what he might 
call the "strange blindness" of American society. If he 
could have lived another decade, he would have had the in- 
ner pleasure of seeing his diagnosis finally realized. The 
year 1917 finds America awakening to the realization of the 
conditions, even if she has not as yet seen the woman clad 
in gray — Dame Prejudice — stalking about in the land, 
spreading the menacing doctrine of hate and distrust, bless- 
ing the youth with a hand whose very touch blights the 
spirit of Liberty. 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 119 

One day an invitation came which brought forth a revo- 
lution in his lonesome spirit. The invitation came from 
the Corps Suevia from Heidelberg to the old alumnus to 
attend the hundredth anniversary of the Corps. The stu- 
dent days assumed a new life. The student days of 1845-46 
were revived by this invitation of 1910. Sixty-five years 
had exerted a healing effect upon the wounds of student 
days. The eternal vigorous life of academic freedom beck- 
oned him to return to the scenes of his early student days, 
already described in his own poems. He beheld these days 
in the light of a hope which nature has so kindly planted 
in the soul of one who has experienced the struggles of the 
world for almost a century. 

The "old alumnus," 85 years of age, decided to participate 
in the one hundredth celebration of the academic youth of 
the University he loved so well. In other words he was a 
fugitive again. This time he fled the autocracy of his 
experienced life in the Republic of America, into the free- 
dom of the Republic of University days. The fugitive was 
welcomed back to the land he had fled. The University 
boys were proud of the man who had presided at Freiburg 
and treated him with the respect due to his academic cour- 
age, and to his career in helping to build the Commonwealth 
of Michigan. 

The spirit of the meeting seemed to be best expressed in 
the presentation of the Schwabenstif tung, the income of 
which was to be used for historical research, and especially 
in the times of the war of liberation. This act of recalling 
the war of liberation made an especial impression upon 
the honored guest from America, who had observed the influ- 
ences of a war of liberation in America and who had fought 
for the liberation of men in times of peace, as well as in 
times of war, but he still beheld the liberation of the Ger- 



120 The Revolution of 184,8 

man peoples in the light of the interpretation of 1848. He 
could not fail to notice the great step forward taken by 
Germany along the lines of his ideals. Everywhere he no- 
ticed education and common weal. And in comparison with 
the social situation of America he observed that the men 
and women in Germany were apparently enjoying the bless- 
ings of liberty in many respects even more so than in 
the Republic of America. And to a certain extent, 
with the indulgence of age, he became reconciled with the 
modern German Empire, even with the Prussian inherited 
monarchy, for he thought that his opinion expressed on 
the 2nd of May, 1871, had been realized to a far greater 
degree than he had anticipated : "Germany has to make 
its conquest by the power of science, by the recognition of 
free thought and of self-determination !" 

The "old alumnus" had also the satisfaction of observing 
that the youth of Baden of 1910 were able to celebrate this 
anniversary owing to the cultivation of the soil by the 
students of 1845-1848, and that the years of 1848 and 
1849 "had not been in vain." He felt that the "oppressed 
and disinheinted" had been freed from their misery to a 
great extent and he beheld Germany as a "land of free la- 
bor." In the midst of the happy hours of the significant 
celebration, carried away by the powerful forces of young 
manhood about him who were being carefully trained for a 
career under Germania's protecting banner, rejuvenated by 
the wonderful nature of his country, Baden, in the golden 
harvest month, the old man, who years before had been 
compelled to flee for the great crime of defending his con- 
ception of home, rejoiced that he had been given the 
golden opportunity of weaving liberty into the life of mod- 
ern Germany. With this beautiful picture to cheer his 
lonesome hours he could return to America with feelings 



Dr. Hermarm Kiefer 121 

of joy and sorrow. 

The feeling of sorrow, however, was increased by a visit 
to the scenes of boyhood and youth he loved so well. A 
long illness at Munich caused him to brood about his entire 
career. He recorded these feelings in a friendship album 
on a page opposite to a dedication written by his son, Ar- 
thur E. Kiefer, many years before. He felt strange in a 
strange land, as he had felt sixty years before in America. 
He could not find peace nor could he find home. In the 
very last poem he wrote, a poem pregnant with sorrow, he 
gave expression in simple words to the sadness of his lone- 
some soul: 

I am going home. 

Only a stranger here. 

My native country is no more. 

Peace likewise is gone. 

The world rejoices, ne'er my heart, 

I am going home. 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer returned to nature on the eleventh of 
October, nineteen hundred and eleven. The Kiefer Memorial 
Gate at the Detroit Crematorium and the bronze tablet in 
the Kiefer niche in the columbarium indicate that he remained 
true to his conception of the forces of nature. The Her- 
mann Kiefer Hospital of Detroit is a fitting living memorial 
to the man, who, as a mere boy, wrote of the ennobling pro- 
fession, which has as its object the prolonging of hfe, the 
alleviation of affliction and the prevention of suffering. 

Warren Washburn Florer. 

Ann Arbor, Michigan, March 24, 1917. Revised, Feb- 
ruary, 19l8. 



HOW GERMANY IS GOVERNED 

Report by Consul Kiefer, of Stettin 

THE new German Empire, proclaimed as such on Janu- 
ary 18, 1871, in Versailles, is a union of twenty-six 
sovereign states, including the three free cities, Liibeck, 
Hamburg, and Bremen, and the territory of Alsace-Lor- 
raine. Its fundamental law is the constitution of the Ger- 
man Empire with an hereditary emperor at its head as ex- 
ecutive, a power vested with the King of Prussia, and a diet 
composed of the Bundesrath and Reichstag as a legislative 
body. 

All legislation is done by the Federal Council (Bundes- 
rath) and the House of Representatives (Reichstag). All 
laws have to receive a majority of the members of each 
house. They are then published, by order of the Emperor, 
in the name of the Empire, after having been signed by the 
chancellor, and take effect fourteen days after having been 
published in the official paper in Berlin {Reiclisgesetzblatt), 
if not ordered otherwise. 

The laws of the Empire are supreme, those of the dif- 
ferent states being subject and subordinate to them. 

The Emperor appoints and, if necessary, dismisses the 
officials of the Empire; he calls in the Diet, opens it ses- 
sions, adjourns them, can, with the consent of the Bundes- 
rath, dissolve the Reichstag, and closes the sessions of the 
Diet. The Diet has to convene yearly. In case of a dis- 
solution of the Reichstag new elections have to take place 
within sixty days, and the members elected have to assemble 

122 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 123 

within ninety days from the date of dissolving. 

The chancellor, who is also appointed by the Emperor, is 
secretary of state ; the heads of the different Government 
officers are subject to him; he sees that the laws passed by 
the Diet are executed and carried out, and regulates all 
constitutional matters. 

The Federal Council is composed of the delegates of the 
sovereigns of the different states, with fifty-eight votes. 

Each state of the union may send as many delegates as 
it has votes, but the votes of each state must be given as a 
unit, and count as follows : Prussia, including Hanover, 
the Electorate of Hessia, Holstcin, and Nassau, 17 votes ; 
Bavaria, 6 ; Saxony and Wurttemberg, 4 each ; Baden and 
Hessia (Grand Dukedom), 3 each; Schwerin and Bruns- 
wick, 2 each; the remainder, 1 each. Alsace-Lorraine sends 
4 commissioners. 

The Federal Council is presided over by the chancellor. 
Its legal powers involve, among others, the originating of 
laws and bills, which are submitted in the name of the Em- 
peror to the Reichstag and advocated by members of the 
Federal Council before this body. 

The Reichstag is composed of 397 members, who are 
elected by direct, universal, secret ballot for three years, 
100,000 inhabitants are entitled to one member. The mem- 
bers draw no salary. 

Every citizen of the Empire of good moral character is a 
voter, if twenty-five years of age, not under guardianship, 
not in bankruptcy, not supported at the time or during the 
last year by public means, if living in the district he votes 
in, if enrolled in the list of votei^s. 

These lists are compiled by the city or county authorities, 
posted eight days for inspection, in a public place, about 
three weeks before the election. The citizens are invited 



124 The Revolution of Id 48 

by public advertisements in the newspapers to see for them- 
selves that their names are entered on these lists. 

The place of residence at a certain date is taken, as a 
rule, and entitles a man to vote in the district where he then 
lived. Here, in Stettin, for instance, the 1st of September 
was adopted this year. 

The candidates for membership in the Reichstag are se- 
lected by the party committees ; the name of each candidate 
is laid before a meeting of his party's voters, and either 
adopted or rejected by those present. The candidates are 
often present at these "ratification" meetings and define 
their positions about all important questions. After having 
finished their speeches, they have to answer a number of in- 
terrogatories, which have been sent in by writing to tlie 
president of the meeting. Long and animated discussions 
often follow. The candidates nominated then "stump" 
their districts, as in the United States. Meetings are held 
all over, usually well attended, and the interest manifested 
in these elections is as keen as that exhibited in the United 
States in an election for a member of Congress in an off 
year; the excitement even runs nearly as high as in our 
Presidential elections. 

Only one feature is missing; here there are no parades, 
no uniformed guards on horseback or on foot, no torchliglit 
processions, no banners, bonfires, or bands playing througli 
the streets. Everything goes on quietly and earnestly. The 
Germans do not believe in show, and have no money to throw 
away on these expensive pleasures which the citizens of the 
great American Republic are so fond of. But a still more 
important difference is to be noted. The candidate here 
docs not need to live within the district by which he is nomi- 
nated and which he will represent if elected ; he may live any- 
where in the Empire. By this means distinguished men, 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 125 

prominent party leaders, are nearly always sure to be re- 
elected, as they are generally nominated by two or more dif- 
ferent districts. If they are elected by two or more of 
those districts they are at liberty to accept the mandate 
which they themselves choose, and as a rule they take it of 
the district in which the election of the candidate of their 
own party is the most doubtful; the districts which thereby 
are left without a representative have to hold a second 
election for a substitute, going through the same prelimi- 
naries again. 

Another difference is that an absolute majority of all the 
votes cast is necessary for an election, and as there are 
three, four, and even more parties and as many candidates 
in a district, very often the first election does not give an 
absolute majority, in which case the two candidates who re- 
ceive the highest number of votes enter into the secondary 
election. 

In the elections of October 28, out of 397 members, only 
299 were elected by first vote, in 98 cases the two candi- 
dates standing highest had to fight it over again. 

As there are very many parties and factions a great va- 
riety of combinations (fusions) is possible in those cases, 
and a party, for reasons not necessary to explain, may fight 
in one place the party which it supports in another. 

For instance, in A National Liberals and Social Demo- 
crats enter into the test; here the Conservatives of the dis- 
trict will support the National Liberals. In B German 
Liberals and Social Democrats are engaged in the test, and 
1 here the Conservatives will support the Social element, and 
so on. 

The first German Reichstag was solemnly opened by the 
Emperor in person March 21, 1871. The Reichstag regu- 
lates its own order of business, makes its own parliamen- 



126 The Revolution of 18^8 

tary rules, elects its own president, vice-president, and secre- 
taries, and decides about the legitimation of its members. 
Its principal rights are the following: 

No laws can be passed, no appropriations of money made, 
without its assent ; besides, it has the right to propose laws 
and forward petitions to the Bundesrath through the chan- 
cellor of the Empire. 

If we look at the different parties we find that besides the 
political differences two other elements are coming into con- 
sideration, viz., religion and nationality. 

The "Centrum," the most powerful and most numerous 
party of the Reichstag, is the representative of the Catho- 
lic Church ; it goes in for the supremacy of the church ; all 
other questions are of secondary importance. It is constant 
in its members, immovable in its views, solid in its vote, firm 
in its purposes, holds the balance of power, and conquers 
step by step the positions lost by the legislation of May, 
1872. It numbers now 100 against 106 of last session. Its 
allies are the different nationalities of non-German origin, 
and inhabitants of annexed provinces, as the Guelphs of 
Hanover, the inhabitants of Alsace-Lorraine, the Poles, and 
the Danes, numbering now 40 members altogether, against 
46 before. 

The other parties may be divided in two great sections, 
viz., the Conservatives, including the High Conservatives, 
Free Conservatives, and National Liberals, comprising 157 
against 121 before, and the Liberals, including the German 
Liberal Democrats (people's party) and Socialists, com- 
prising 97 against 124 before. Three seats are vacant yet, 
waiting for secondary election. There may be small mis- 
takes in the numbers given, as they arc not from official 
sources, but compiled from different reports of newspapers 
by the undersigned. 



Dr. Hermann Kiefer 127 

What do all these names mean? What do they repre- 
sent? This is a difficult task to explain to an American 
reader, as the political foundations and conditions of the 
United States and the German Empire are so widely and 
essentially different. To understand and comprehend the 
motives of the different parties, it would be necessary to go 
over the past history of Germany, the result of which they 
are. 

Besides, issues different from those with us are present- 
ing themselves ; old privileges, feudal rights, etc., are daily 
and hourly coming into consideration. Also, the parties 
themselves change their names as well as their principles. 

It is neither my intention, nor is there space for it in this 
report, to inquire into these complicated and often vexed 
questions ; may it suffice to say that at present the Con- 
servative parties, including the National Liberals, are go- 
ing in mostly with the Government, the Liberal parties op- 
posing the measures proposed and advocated by it. 

The Conservatives hold up the old historical rights sanc- 
tioned by centuries ; the Liberals are the champions of mod- 
em views and modern times, but by no means in harmony 
among themselves ; the Conservatives are the advocates of 
feudal rights, of coercion into guilds, of a protective tariff, 
of state socialism — the latter expression meaning that the 
state, i. e., the Government, has to take care of its inhabi- 
tants and has to regulate everything ; the Liberals are fight- 
ing against all these issues, and insist that everything be left 
to free competition of individuals or corporations ; they only 
admit free guilds, are for free trade, and against state so- 
cialism; the German Liberals are against the latter on 
principle, the Socialists, because it does not go far enough. 
In some points the two extremes. Conservatives and Social- 
ists, meet ; in others. National Liberals and German Liberals 



128 The Revolution of 1848 

vote unitedly. 

After the Austro-Prussian war in the then established 
Norddeutscher Bund, and after the Franco-German war in 
the new Empire, from 1876 to 1879, the National Liberals 
had a majority in the Reichstag. They were then, as their 
name says, a liberal party. National questions were at issue; 
they were the party of the Government at that time, which 
worked with them against the Conservatives and the then 
existing Liberals, Progressives, Democrats and Socialists. 

But when with 1879 the era of protection began they di- 
vided. Part of them left their old comrades and called them- 
selves Secessionists ; the rest went for the measures of the 
Government. 

The Secessionists in course of time united with the Lib- 
erals as the Liberal Union, and, again, in the spring of 
1884, the Liberal Union associated with the Progressives 
as German Liberals. This broke up the majority on which 
the Government could rely, and the latter had to work its 
way through under difficulties and many embarrassing ob- 
stacles, the Centrum, as said above, holding the balance of 
power, the Government had to work with a Conservative- 
Clerical majority. If the Government did not yield to the 
wishes of the Centrum, Mr. Windthorst, the leader, joined 
the Liberal factions and defeated the measures of the Gov- 
ernment. 

To make an end of this unsatisfactory state of things, 
the Government wanted to secure by the last elections, if 
possible, a Conservative-National-Liberal majority, in or- 
der to free itself from the dictation of the Centrum. 

The German Liberals during the session of the last Reichs- 
tag had been the most bitter and most obstinate opponents 
of all measures proposed by the Government, no matter if 
they tended to social reforms, as announced by an imperial 



Dr. Hermamfi Kiefer 129 

message of November 17, 1881, or to tariff measures as 
inaugurated in 1879, or to foreign policy as favored by the' 
chancellor at the end of the last session, which policy cul- 
minated in the subsidies asked for trans-Atlantic steamboat 
lines, and in his ideas about colonization. By this opposi- 
tion the party had become unpopular with many classes of 
the population ; with the farmers, because they were opposed 
to the raising of the grain duties; with manufacturers, be- 
cause of its opposition to a higher tariff on manufacturers ; 
with the trade-masters, by its opposition to the coercion 
into guilds ; with the Socialists, because it was opposed to 
all social reforms, and unpopular with German national 
pride, German national feelings, with Germanism generally, 
by opposing the foreign policy of the chancellor. Under 
these circumstances the latter hoped, by supporting the Na- 
tional Liberals with all the influence at the command of the 
Government, to weaken the German Liberals in such a de- 
gree that, if not securing an absolute Conservative Nation- 
al-Liberal majority, a majority of the so-called "middle 
parties" for the coming Reichstag (the German Liberals) 
would be at least so much reduced that Mr. Windthorst 
could not get a Clerical-Liberal majority any more; he 
further expected to make considerable gains for the policy 
of the Government also in those districts which were doubt- 
ful for the Centrum. 

The conventions of the National Liberals, held in Heidel- 
berg, in Neustadt, and Berlin, declared open war on the 
German Liberals, and indorsed the policy of the Govern- 
ment; the fight was a hard and bitter one, and the result 
an increased Conservative Clerical majority. The increase 
was in favor of the Conservatives and the Socialists ; the 
losses on the side of the German Liberals, a few only on that 
of the Centrum, but not enough that the Centrum cannot 



] 



130 The Revolution of 18J^8 

play again its double game, the more so as the Socialists 
gained many of the seats lost by the German Liberals. 

The members of the different parties for the coming 
Reichstag are as follows : 100 Centrums, 75 Conservatives, 
30 Free Conservatives, 52 National Liberals, 66 German 
Liberals, 7 People's Party, 24 SociaHsts, 16 Poles, 15 Alsa- 
tians, 8 Guelphs, 1 Dane, 3 are outstanding (397). 

Taking it altogether, the German Liberals and National 
Liberals cannot be pleased at all with the result of the elec- 
tion. The Government can only be satisfied so far as the 
German Liberals got weakened. The Centrum is as much 
pleased as before, if not even more, and the Socialists are 
triumphant and jubilant all over. 

They counted 600,000 votes, increased their seats from 
13 to 24 ; and this notwithstanding the anti-Socialistic law 
which was passed first in 1878, and after having been pro- 
longed in 1880, ought to have expired September 30, 1884, 
but had been again continued during the last session for two 
years more. 

Under this law their leaders have been driven out of the 
country, their newspapers suppressed, their pamphlets 
seized, their meetings broken up, etc., nevertheless they 
gained in Berlin 38,732 votes since 1881 ; and in the same 
proportion throughout the Empire. 

How is this to be explained.? I think there are differ- 
ent reasons for it. First, because suffering under special 
legislation, the public sentiment turned in their favor; they 
were looked at as martyrs. Justice wants equal rights for 
all. The same argument accounts for the unbroken strength 
of the Centrum, the adherents and constituents of which 
also suffer by a similar state of affairs. 

Then the law had the effect of cautioning the Socialistic 
leaders to disguise their anarchical tendencies and conceal 
them by a more moderate program in order that the law 



Dr. Hermmm Kiefer 131 

could not reach them — at the same time to organize secretly 
in the most perfect manner. 

So it was demonstrated that class legislation, even en- 
forced by the arm of a powerful Government and with the 
most rigid means, failed to have the desired effect. Every 
class legislation drives the real or supposed evil only away 
from the surface; it hides itself under different names, and 
under various disguises it works along secretly and gains 
surreptitiously in strength. 

If it only would be generally understood at last that men 
will be bettered, their morals raised, their ideas elevated 
by education rather than by coercive laws, it would save the 
world much suffering and trouble. Further, the Govern- 
ment adopted, in some degree, by its reform measures, So- 
cialist ideas. Conservative papers, such as the Kreuz-Zei- 
tung, declared a short time ago the conservative, socialistic 
result of the elections in Berlin for the Prussian Landtag 
"as a victory of the idea of common rights," an idea com- 
mon to both conservatism and socialists, the latter only 
differing from the former by following it up to its last conse- 
quences. 

This last consequence we find expressed in a socialistic 
pamphlet, urging the election of the socialistic candidate, 
Capel, and closing with the words, "All the grounds, fields, 
and forests must again become the common property of the 
community as with our ancestors." 

It is only natural that the public, seeing socialistic ideas 
indorsed by the Government itself thinks them all right. 
But the most important reason is the lamentable social con- 
dition of the people, the scanty food, the miserable lodg- 
ings, the low wages, the increasing poverty of the working 
classes, the accumulation of wealth in the hands of a few, 
the usury practiced by a certain class of money-lenders, the 



132 The Revolution of 18^8 

riches gained by unscrupulous speculation, often based upon 
the ruin of thousands ; the pride and haughtiness of the 
nobility looking down from their ancient castles upon those 
toiling and working along in the sweat of their brows as in- 
ferior beings ; the contrast between the comparatively few 
carrying on a life of idleness and luxury, and the thousands 
striving for their daily bread and the poorest shelter against 
storm, rain, and cold ; all this combined with the conviction 
that they are treated wrongly, and in consequence of a 
more general education, a greater intelligence, and the de- 
sire for bettering their conditions, they claim for a fair 
share of the profits yielded by their work, a claim so far de- 
nied, has caused a widespread dissatisfaction, which swells 
the socialistic ranks daily and hourly. 

They have resolved to stand upon their own feet, to rely 
upon their own strength, they believe in the justice of their 
cause, and are usually convinced that the future is theirs. 
They don't trust to any promises ; they don't compromise 
with any party, and they are ready to sacrifice for their 
principles. 

What and how they are thinking about the other parties, 
and particularly about the conservative factions, the Ber- 
liner Volkszeitung tells in vivid words. In an article refer- 
ring to the results of the last election, it says : 

"What a curious mixture of political and social ele- 
ments ! 

There are reactionaries of all shades ; court coun- 
selors who ought to have lived five hundred years ago ; 
knights with petrified views of feudal rights; monkish 
fellows who know less of modem life than of the mon- 
archism of medieval times ; owners of latifundia and in- 
heritants of primogeniture rights, bankers and job- 



Dr. HerTuann Kiefer 133 

bers ; in short, all those elements that are living yet 
within the ideas and prejudices of bygone times, fancy- 
ing that the dead forms of the past can be revived and 
transferred into modern existence. 

These men also see that a nation will be ruined by 
the rude materialism of our industrial life as repre- 
sented by free competition, by the war of all against 
all, of every one against every one. 

But while fighting tliis system they want less to re- 
lieve the sufferings of the people than to save their own 
absolute privileges, which they find endangered by the 
materialistic liberalism of our times, by modern Man- 
chesterism. 

So they are making small, insignificant concessions 
to the people, lessened besides by an increased political 
guardianship. Never has the latter shown such a dole- 
ful proportion to the intelligence of the century as at 
present. 

Therefore the spiked helmet and the baton of the 
policemen stands behind even the smallest grant given 
by conservatist social legislation." 

I have dwelt at some length on the favorable results of 
the Socialistic party, because of their importance, an im- 
portance illustrated by the gains achieved, which latter not 
only shows the increasing popularity of their ideas among 
the masses of the people, but has also conquered the right 
to bring its own motives before the Reichstag by getting 
twenty-four, perhaps twenty-five, seats. 

It should be known that, according to the rules existing, 
no one can bring in a motion if not subscribed to and in- 
dorsed by fifteen members at least. Hence, the Socialists 
will teach their principles in the legislative halls of the 



134 The Revolution of 18^8 

German Empire ; they will speak in the presence of their op- 
ponents to the people outside; they will advocate the meas- 
ures proposed by them for years, not that they expect to 
carry them, but they can make without incurring punish- 
ment a formidable propaganda ; the words spoken in the 
Reichstag will go, in stenographic reports, all over the coun- 
try ; the anti-Sociahstic law has no effect upon them, for the 
members of the Reichstag, the representatives of the people, 
are, by the constitution, unimpeachable for what they are 
saying in exercising their mandates. 

Having shown the current of the tendencies and senti- 
ments of the German people and the differences of opin- 
ion separating them, we must not overlook the fact that two 
powerful elements are uniting them, viz., patriotism and na- 
tional pride ; the fatherland and a strict military organiza- 
tion binds them together; the former is the moral, the lat- 
ter the physical element of their strength and prestige. 

HERMANN KIEFER 

Consul 
United States Consulate 

Stettin, November 19, 1884 



INDEX 



Africa, 22 

Alberta, 27, 29 

America, 40, 42, 44, 49, 52, 56, 64, 

66, 69-73, 88, 89, 95, 96, 111, 118- 

120 
American Acad. Pol. Soc. Science, 

100 
American Hist. Ass., 99 
American Med. Ass., 99 
Anglo-Saxon, 117 
Anniversary of 1848, 106-116 
Ann Arbor, 53, 55 
Arbeiter Society, 43, 48, 62, 64 
Arndt, E. M., 78, 81 
Asia, 46 

"At the University," 28 
Austria, 27, 31, 45, 50, 69, 77 

Banner (1848), 40 

Barbarossa, 80 

Bavarian, 53 

Berlin, 31, 35, 36, 110, 112 

Bismarck, 25, 72, 75, 79, 88 

Black Forest, 12, 16, 21, 39, 40, 53, 

98 
Black-red-gold, 30, 111, 115 
Blind, Karl, 17, 18, 20 
Black-Republicans, 55 
Bloynck's Hall, 47 
Board of Regents, 100 
Bonn, 17 

Bougin6, Emilie, 23 
Brentano, L., 38 
British Isles, 65 
Buchanan, J., 54 
Bund, 33, 77 

Bundestag, 32, 108, 110, 114 
Burgundian, 18 
Burschenschafter, 13 



Catholic, 52 

Causes of Immigration, 95 

Centrists, 34 

Chicago, 11 

Cicero, 18, 58 

CivU War, 60, 67, 73, 74, 101 

Cincinnati, 81 

Cologne, 17 

Confederacy, 65 

Constitution, 22, 54, 56 

Consular Reports, 82-84 

Cornell University, 70 

Corps, 27, 28, 119 

"Cosmos," 12, 27, 67, 70, 79 

Cousin, Victor, 61 

Declaration of Independence, 36, 

46, 54 
Democrat (ic), 51, 54, 99 
Department of State, 87 
Detroit, 14, 26, 39, 43, 45, 48-50, 

53, 55, 60, 62, 66, 69, 71, 72, 74, 

88, 99, 102 
Detroit Crematorium, 121 
Detroit Library Commission, 99 
"Deutscher Zuschauer," 17 

Educational Ideals, 60, 61 

Eichrodt, L., 18 

Eisen, 18 

Einherrschaft, 21, 25 

Election of 1884, 85 

Emmendingen, 37, 56 

England, 22, 47, 65 

Erfurt Program, 86 

Etzel, 18 

Europe, 25, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 51, 

52, 54, 61, 62, 65, 66, 85, 98, 101, 

109, 110 



Carl I., 110 Fichte, 18 

Carlsruhe, 13, 15, 18-21, 24, 29, 34, Fichtenkranz, 18 

38 France, 22, 24, 78, 79 

Cass, Lewis, 45, 46 Frankfort, 31, 37, 53, 108, 110 

135 



136 



Index 



Franks, 24 

Freemont, 53, 54, 82 

Free Soil, 51 

Freiburg, 11, 13, 15, 17, 23, 27, 30, 

31, 34, 35, 37, 59, 67, 108, 119 
Freiburg Meeting, 23, 24, 35, 36, 

47, 70, 108, 110 
Freiburg Resolutions, 36, 37 
Freiligrath, F., 39, 112 
Freischarler, 39 
French, 16, 39, 77, 79 
French Revolution, 34 
Friedrich, 20 
Friedrich II., 15 

General Conditions Working Peo- 
ple, 89-94 

George, Henry, 87, 99 

German Empire, 25, 72, 80, 87, 105, 
108, 112, 120 

German Theater Society, 47 

Germania, 80, 81 

Germantown, 55 

"Germany and Its Rhine," 23 

"Germany's Apostle," 16 

Goegg, A., 38 

Goethe, J. W. von, 26, 42 

Goll, 18 

Greek, 13 

Grund, F. E., 55 

Grunlacher, 18 

Haeckel, E., 104 

Harmonic, 43, 48 

Heidelberg, 27, 67, 110, 119 

Helvetia, 16 

Hermann, 15 

Hermann Kiefer Hospital, 42, 121 

History of the German West 

Boundary, 20 
Hohenstaufen, 20 
Holy Roman Empire, 2, 21, 80 
"How Germany Is Governed," 84, 

122 133 
Humboldt, 12, 67, 69, 71 
Hungary, 44, 45 
Huxley, 103 






1776, 53 

"Ignorabimus," 104 
Ireland, 1 
Italian, 1 
Italy, 44 



Jena, 72 

"Jerusalem Delivered," 13 

Kalamazoo, 53 
Kaiser William, 80 
Kiefer, Conrad, 12, 39, 50 
Kehle, Francisca, 40-42 
Kinkel, Gottfried, 19, 43-46, 55 
Kirchberg, Erhard, 75 
"Kolnische Zeitung," 34, 109 
Konig Enzio, 19 
Kyffhauser, 80 

"Labor in Germany," 87 
"Lament over Germany," 24 
"Lament over Hermann's Death," 

15 
Lassalle, 87 
Latin, 13 

Leipzig (Battle of), 30 
Leonidas, 18 
Liberty Loan (1851), 47 
Liedertafel, 27, 29 
Louis XVI., 110 
Lybia, 24 

"Mannheimer Journal," 13, 17, 18, 

29, 34, 51 
Marie Antoinette, 111 
Marx, Karl, 69, 87, 99 
Marxhausen, August, 62, 63 
May Program (1849), 38 
"Merkur," 53 

Michigan, 41, 53, 60, 61, 66, 81, 83 
Michigan Liquor Law, 50 
Michigan Cremation Association, 

16 
Michigan Mutual, 99 
Michigan State Med. Society, 99 
Mill, John Stuart, 87 
Morocco, 25 
Monroe County, 49 
Munich, 121 
"My Destiny," 23 

National Assembly, 38 
Napoleon, 30, 78 
Neckar, 18 

"Need for Solitude," 26 
"Neue Stettiner Zeitung," 83 
New England, 49 

"Norddeutsche AUgemeine Zei- 
tung," 84 



Index 



137 



Offenburg, 19, 29-35, 38, 68, 74, 

108, 110 
Ordinance of 1787, 67 

Parliament, 23, 34-36, 68 

Peace Celebration, 74, 79, 80 

Phillipsburg, 39 

Plato, 18 

Prague, 27, 67 

Princes and Peoples, 30 

Professor Emeritus, 11, 28, 42, 100 

Prussia, 31, 61, 69, 77, 112, 120 

Puritanism, 51 

Radowitz, 34 

Reichstag, 86 fF. 

"Resignation," 26 

Rein, Wilhelm, 64 

Republican Executive Committee, 

53 
Republican Party, 54, 113 
Revolution in Paris, 34, 109 
Rich, John T., 100 
Richter, L., 62 
Romans, 93 
Rome, 93 
Rothbart, 20 
Russia, 22, 38, 50 

Saginaw, 53 

SchiUer, J. F. von, 11, 47, 56-59, 

67, 107, 117 
Schurz, Carl, 13, 17 
Secretary of State, 95 
Sedan, 72 
Seminary, 60, 66 

Socialist (ic), 34, 68, 86, 88, 94, 99 
Socialer Turnerverein, 32, 43, 48, 

106 
Socrates, 11, 15 
Spencer, Herbert, 87 
"Spring '48," 111 
Spielhagen, F., 76 
State Committee, 38 
State Congress, 37 
State Examination, 39 
State People's Assembly, 37 
Stein, F., 80 
Stettin, 82, 88, 99 
Stocker, A., 97 
Strassburg, 39 



Struve, Gustav, 37 
Suevia, 27, 107, 119 
Sulzburg, 37 
Swabian, 117 

Tacitus, 93 

"The Fatherland's Treasure," 19 

"The Dead to the Living," 39, 112 

"The Formation of the Imperial 
Ministry," 31 

"The German Chase," 30 

"The Last Day of the Year," 15 

"The Minstrel," 23 

"The Sentry," 28 

"The Warfare of Science and The- 
ology," 71 

Thermopylae, 18 

"To Appear and To Be," 26 

"Too Late," 30 

Triumvirate, 38 

"True Love," 25 

Turner, 55, 62 

Turnerverein, 27, 29 

Ubstadt, 39 

United State, 21, 23, 35, 51 

United States, 39, 43, 45, 51, 53, 

55, 68, 92, 98, 112 
U. S. Consul, 72, 82, 99 
University of Michigan, 42, 70, 

100-105 

Vienna, 27, 31, 35, 36, 67, 110 
Vor-Parlament, 31, 37, 53 
Vosges Mountains, 12, 16 

Wartburg, 18 

Washington, George, 75 

Washtenaw County, 53 

Wayne County Savings Bank, 98 

Werner, 38 

White, Andrew Dickson, 71 

"Wilhelm Tell," 117 

"Wilhelm Meister," 13 

Winfrid, 16 

Windthorst, 97 

Wonnemond, 23 

Workmen's Aid Society, 47 

Wiirttemberg, 58 

Ziegel, A., 100 



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